“The outraged have a right to cry and even scream their wrongs into the ears of their fellow men whenever and wherever there is a chance of awakening the conscience or the self-respect of the wrongdoer.”Frederick Douglas
Introduction
As Haiti experiences another political convulsion, the country continues to fall further backward. Amid the political crisis, businesses are shutting down or barely functioning. Schools are unable to open their doors and hospitals cannot function as their fuel supplies get exhausted. For Haitians, their dreams and aspirations are being snuffed out. Those with the financial means are leaving the country in droves.
The question for Haitians inside and outside of Haiti is, what do we do?
First, Haitians must acknowledge that Haiti’s problems are for Haitians to solve. The people have shown strength, resolve, and dignity but they cannot take on this fight alone. One of the primary challenges is the deep division that exists in Haitian society. There can be no sustainable solution unless Haiti tackles its deep social inequalities. As Pope Francis recently tweeted, “inequality is at the root of social evil.” The recurring violent uprisings only reflect a rejection of this system of exclusion. The risks associated with the post-colonial system of exclusions are three-fold. One, the country's somalization will continue unabated. Second, as Haitians flee to safety, this will fuel the rise of anti-Haitian sentiments. Third, neighboring countries will view Haiti as a risk to regional stability. This may result in another foreign occupation.
To answer the question of what to do, one should consider the Haitian proverb that says "Lè labouyi cho, ou manje-l a rebò.” When the porridge is hot, one eats it on the side. In management terms, this means when faced with a complex problem, the best approach is to break it down into smaller pieces. In Haiti's complex puzzle, the smallest piece is to focus on its insecurity.
Haiti needs a reset and it starts with security and justice. Haiti is at war with itself! It is a war against inequality, injustice, and insecurity.
As the familiar Spanish proverb tells us “great ills require great remedies.” Haiti is besieged and the appropriate response for a country at war is to mobilize its assets and move to a war footing. This war aims to resolve the insecurity crisis and lay the foundation for a more fair society. It will include three phases. The first phase is to mobilize the country’s human and financial human resources. The second is to strengthen the public finances and other key institutions such as the judicial branch and the electoral council. The third is to consolidate its gains to move toward a national dialogue and elections.
Contemporary challenges
Haiti is once again in the headlines. Its citizens are experiencing another wave of violence. The country is living another “peyi lòk” (country lockdown). This new crisis is the result of de facto Prime Minister Ariel Henry’s decision to increase fuel prices. This is the second such increase in less than one year. The regime instituted the first one in December 2021 and people saw prices rise from 201 to 250 Gourdes or 24.4%. The second, nine months later, saw prices increase from 250 to 570 Gourdes or 128%. These increases took effect as over 4.5 million Haitians do not have enough to eat and 1.3 million are food insecure. Meanwhile, inflation is at a historic high of 30% and Haiti's currency lost 28.6% of its value over the past year.
The de facto regime has been in power for over 14 months with the support of the international community. Meanwhile, Haitians are living in fear. Their businesses are being ruined and their dreams and aspirations are going up in smoke.
The world knows this. In its April 2022 Country Report on Human Rights Practices, the US State Department’s noted the following: “Significant human rights issues included credible reports of unlawful and arbitrary killings by gangs allegedly supported by government officials and private-sector actors; torture or cruel and degrading treatment by government agents.”
Other reports from the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and human rights organizations have documented mass killings and rapes by gangs. The gang wars have created thousands of internally displaced people (IDPs), and the destruction of hundreds of schools, medical centers, and markets.
The de facto regime has shown not only its disinterest in the people but also its incapacity to govern.
The country’s economy has ground to a halt as the gangs have blocked access to its single fuel terminal. As a result, businesses and hospitals have stopped operating. The first duty of a government is to protect its citizens. But the de facto regime has shown not only its disinterest in the people but also its incapacity to govern. At the United Nations General Assembly last week, Haiti's Minister for Foreign Affairs claimed that "everything was under control." This statement displayed the regime’s callousness and disdain for its citizens who are unable to travel within the country, find food to eat, or clean water to drink.
The Haitian crisis rests on three overlapping issues: extreme inequality, unbridled public corruption, and deeply rooted impunity.
For the better part of Haiti's 218 years of history, most Haitians were pushed to the periphery of the state. They don't have access to basic services including water, education, or security. The contemporary “peyi lòk” is a modern version of a reality that too many citizens have experienced for far too long. As anthropologist Gérard Barthélemy explained in his book “Le Pays en Dehors” roughly translated as “The Country Outside.” He depicted a society that developed based upon the exclusion and exploitation of the country's rural majority.
The current convulsions reflect the demand for a deep transformation.
Living in the shadow of the world's superpower
Haiti must gain and protect its sovereignty at all costs. Yet, despite its history with the Western powers, it cannot insulate itself from globalization.
The Core Group (CG) – a conglomeration of the Ambassadors of Germany, Brazil, Canada, Spain, the United States of America, France, the European Union, the Special Representative of the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations – is partly responsible for Haiti's governance crisis. But, too many Haitians have fallen into the trap of the “single story.” They believe the West hates Haiti because it dared gain its independence in 1804. However, a review of the previous chapters in the history books shows another side. It is that the superpowers have applied the same policy prescriptions toward other European countries then as they do toward Haiti now.
The root of the West’s economic policy tools came into being with King Henry VII of England (1485).
A review of Economist Erik Reinert's book “How Rich Countries Got Rich… and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor” makes a key historical observation. The root of the West’s economic policy tools came into being with King Henry VII of England (1485). Back then, England applied those economic policies against Spain, Italy, and Holland. Reinert documented that “the same toolbox was employed by virtually all continental European countries in the nineteenth century.” This does mean that race is not a factor today but it cannot be the primary lens of analysis.
In dealing with the CG, Haiti faces one challenge. It is to find a balance between engaging this influential body and maintaining its sovereignty.
On the other hand, the US – the primary actor in the CG – has declared its support for a Haitian solution. US policymakers claim to not want to put their thumb on Haiti's political scale. First, it is important to note that it was never up to the US to decide whether Haiti finds a Haitian solution. Second, they should never have had their thumb on the scale. Indeed, these statements demonstrate the US infantilizing and contemptuous policy approach to Haiti.
Despite the claims, in practice, the US provides the de facto regime with implicit political support. Additionally, they're attempting to delegitimize Haitians' demand for a government that works for its people.
The US provides the regime with implicit political support.
During a recent discussion on U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere, National Security Council Senior Director, Juan Gonzalez stated that if one were to “look at the protests that are taking place as a result of the end of fuel subsidies, they are financed by economic actors who stand to lose money from the reduction in subsidies.”
This comment - filled with contradiction - was echoed by Haitian Americans and the Henry regime. A quick review shows Mr. Gonzales claiming one thing and its opposite. He stated that “the protests were caused by the end of fuel subsidies.” Then he pivoted to say that the protests were “financed by economic actors who stand to lose money from the reduction in subsidies.” Neither Mr. Gonzalez nor those who support the fuel increase have explained how the oil companies’ economic interests are impacted. Even less, why would that lead them to finance the protests against the regime? As it stands, the oil companies are paid in full no matter what happens. Nothing changes whether the government subsidizes the fuel or the consumers pay the full price at the pump.
One thing has been true over the years, those who control Haiti’s economy and benefit from a weak or corrupt state use their money to maintain the status quo. More importantly, the US and Canada know better than most of the economic and political forces that are destabilizing Haiti. They also know of their affiliation with the gangs. Even worse, the ill-gotten wealth of these powerful economic and political actors is in American and Canadian banks.
First thing first
There is a Haitian proverb that says one should start eating hot porridge from the side. It means when faced with a complex problem, the best approach is to break it down into smaller pieces. The smallest piece of Haiti’s complex crisis is insecurity.
If the first issue to tackle in Haiti is insecurity then the appropriate response is to put Haiti on a war footing. This translates into three policy actions:
1. allocate at least half the national treasury to fighting the war on terror. Haiti must use its budget to fund and equip its army and police.
2. declare a state of emergency which will allow the state to:
- call up all able-bodied former members of the Haitian armed forces to back up the Haitian National Police
- recruit young men of age to integrate into the armed forces. One idea is to recruit at least 1,000 new members per department including the diaspora for a total of 11,000 members. These members should come through a community-based vetting process
- recruit at least 500 former police officers and soldiers from the US
- suspend all private port ownership due to national security interests
- contract with a reputable international firm to manage the border and all Haitian ports
3. launch a program to get at least 100,000 members of the diaspora to donate an average of $100 per month for 12 months.
- create a board with respected members of the diaspora and the Ministry of finance to manage the funds
International Partnership
A good partnership depends on trust. After years of negative experiences, Haitians do not trust the members of the Core Group. Indeed, the Core Group's policies have not only failed but are at the roots of the current crisis. For example, Haitians point to the UN’s support for the federation of Haiti’s gangs. In 2020, Le Nouvelliste published an article titled “Selon l’ONU, grâce au G9, moins de morts violentes mais plus d’enlèvements (According to the UN, thanks to the G9, fewer violent deaths but more kidnappings)." The article quoted Secretary-General Antonio Guterres's report to the Security Council on the situation in Haiti in which he credited the “effective control of G9 in certain urban areas appears to have had an impact on broad crime trends during the period under review.”
The Core Group has no credibility in Haiti.
The Core Group has no credibility in Haiti. If it wants to be a partner then it will need to engage other actors. One option is to work more closely with CARICOM, especially with Jamaica. The Jamaicans have a long history of dealing with gangs in their own country. They have much to share with the Haitian National Police. As their contribution, the US and Canada could finance a 600-strong specialized unit. Haiti can also partner with other countries such as South Africa and Rwanda. They are experienced in peace-building – an approach that is different from conflict management.
To implement these ideas, Haiti must overcome its most intractable challenge – the mistrust that exists among its citizens. One key response to this challenge is transparency. There must be new rules that apply to the state and those who seek to be part of the political solution. There are many approaches to increasing transparency. Below are a few recommendations :
- Publish bimonthly reports on the state's finances - newspaper and radio
- Publish quarterly reports of the salary and assets of the top people involved in managing state resources
- Obtain signed commitment by those who wish to participate in a transition to forgo all ambitions to hold higher office
- Put in place a citizen-led watchdog office supported by reputable auditors and human rights organizations
- Reinforce key institutions such as the Unit for the Fight Against Corruption (ULCC) with the support of a partner like Rwanda
Conclusion
Haiti is experiencing the most challenging time in more than two centuries. The contemporary intermingling crises are rooted in its post-colonial system of social exclusion. This has historically left most Haitians outside of the state. Today, the population finds itself even more isolated as gangs take control of ever-larger swaths of territories. The country is now split into two and all economic activities have come to a grinding halt. Gangs have blocked access to the country's only fuel terminal.
As a result, hospitals, schools, and businesses are closing. The hunger crisis is growing more severe as farmers are unable to move their perishable produce to market. Even water distribution has halted as companies run out of fuel to operate their generators. For the first time since 2019, the country has documented its first case of cholera.
The current illegitimate regime of de facto prime minister Henry has shown its incapacity and unwillingness to tackle any of the country’s ills. Haiti's inflation reached a historic high of 30%, and its currency lost 28.6% of its value over the past year. More than 4.5 million Haitians do not have enough to eat and 1.3 million are highly food insecure. It is in this context the regime decided to impose two increases on fuel prices, 24.45%, and 128% respectively.
The population took to the streets to protest against these increases but more broadly against the state of terror that has gripped the country.
In response, the US, echoed by the de facto regime and some members of the Haitian diaspora, launched a campaign to vilify the protesters. The core group – led by the United States – is once again attempting to appropriate the Haitian people’s right to self-determination. Despite the broad demands for Henry’s resignation, the Core Group continues to provide the regime with its implicit support. They do so while promoting the idea of a Haitian-led solution to the crisis.
The current crisis may appear intractable but Haitians must be the central actors in solving it. As with any complex problem, the country must focus on the first things first. This requires a coherent agenda and sacrifices from all actors for the good of the collective.
Those who aspire to lead the country through this chapter must commit to giving up all future political ambitions. The state must clean its act, especially as it relates to financial transparency. Haiti must move to a war footing to take on the terrorists who are holding the population, hostage. These terrorists include the gang leaders, the political and economic actors who fund them, and the corrupt officials who facilitate their activities.
The international community can play a role but it has to do so with humility. It has to acknowledge that democracy can never be imposed with the tip of a bayonet.
As Haiti enters a war footing against terrorism, the first step for policymakers is to sensitize the population – including the diaspora. The war must have two objectives. One is to resolve the widespread insecurity and achieve stability. The other is to lay the foundation for a more fair society.
This includes three phases:
- a transition phase that mobilizes the country’s human and financial human resources to fight Haiti’s war on terror
- a stabilization phase that strengthens the public finances and other institutions such as the judicial branch, the electoral council, revitalized or newly created political parties, a free press, and strong human rights organizations
- a consolidation phase that involves a national dialogue and elections.
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