It is a common theme among Haitian and those who
care about Haiti to reduce the complex and difficult challenges Haiti is facing
and lay them at the feet of the International Community (IC) and the
International Non Governmental Organizations (INGOs). The latter term
captures international organizations, local NGOs and what we all know as
nonprofit organizations but it also includes religious ones and more.
While the terms are different and represent distinctly diverse organizations,
for the purpose of brevity I will use NGO to include all organizations from
NGOs to nonprofits.
This paper makes the case that the evolving
narrative that NGOs are at the roots of all evils in Haiti is flawed and at
best incomplete. It asks the simple question: “have we no agency?” Do we not
possess any control over and accountability for ourselves, and over
what happens within our sovereign borders?
We also hear the claim that Haiti has over 10,000
NGOs – a number that is neither factual nor official but yet it is accepted as
gospel. In fact, there are less than 600 registered NGOs
in Haiti. However, the narrative is how these thousands of NGOs
overtook Haiti, changed our social norms and turned us into beggars who will
sell our souls for a kit or a bag of rice. Undeniably, NGOs do
indeed hand out bags of rice but we have somehow selectively forgotten the
pictures of past Presidents throwing money to the crowd from their passing cars
or current political leaders handing out cash-filled envelopes or bags of rice
and plates of food.
While there is much one can contest in the claims
about the NGOs role, I want to stay away from the details and focus on the
macro level of the problem. To that end, it would be a fair
assessment to say that NGOs have helped expand the divide that had already
existed between the Haitian state and its citizens. For brevity’s
sake I will forego our long history and start with the Duvalier regime to
illustrate the widening divide.[1].” This
chasm expanded during the American occupation and was pushed further during
President Francois Duvalier’s rule. It broadened over the past 30
years and has resulted in what is today one of the most divided and unequal
societies in the world.
We Have Choices: Failing to Use our Agency to
Negotiate Better
A number of authors most notably Dambisa Moyo who
wrote “Dead Aid” and professor William Easterly in his book “The White Men
Burden” posit that the disaggregation and disconnect that is created by NGOs as
the primary service providers is not benign but is in fact harmful for the
democratic system. How can a society build and reinforce its
norms, and how can the state maintain its legitimacy and demand compliance when
it is unable to bring people the basic commodities of goods and services they
need? Though I am mostly in agreement with those critics, I am
unwilling to discharge ourselves for the choices we make.
The recent protests of July 6-8 2018 have brought
the question of the role of the international community to the center stage,
particularly as it relates to the International Monetary Fund
(IMF). In short, the Haitian government negotiated and signed an
agreement with the IMF which stipulated that Haiti would reduce its subsidy to
the electrical power company (EDH) and increase its revenues by capturing the
full profit on the sell of fuel. In return for these steps and more,
Haiti would have gained access to $96 million in grants and loans from the
IC. Despite being warned of the potential impact of such a decision,
the Haitian government subsequently decided to increase fuel prices anyway by
38% and 50% respectively on gasoline, diesel and kerosene. As
expected, the country immediately erupted in demonstrations that lasted over
three days and resulted in the loss of 24 lives, and the destruction and
ransacking of many businesses (amounting in the millions).
The agreed narrative is that the “blan” (literal
translation for a white person but contextually used for any outsider) is manipulating
Haiti. It would reduce this transformative moment and keep the focus
on the destruction, ransacking and on Haiti vs. the IMF/IC. However,
the events of July 6-8 have shown a story that is much more
complex. The very act of protesting is itself a confirmation of our
agency. It says that we are human beings and when pushed too far we will
push back. The repercussions from this movement are still being felt
today. A few weeks after the protests, the country learned of how its
limited resources were being wasted and looted by the very elected
representatives who were supposed to be looking out for the people’s well
being. Today, the political and economic class are singing different
tunes and backing away from previous positions. A new debate is opened
on the issue of corruption and civil society is timidly beginning to ask for
justice and accountability. These movements, while timid, are to be lauded
and supported.
Our Agency and Governance
I mentioned the word agency a few
times already and before going any further, I think it is worthwhile to
deconstruct the term to ensure clarity because it essentially grounds my entire
argument going forward. The word agency is defined in social science
as “the capacity of individuals to act independently and to
make their own free choices. By contrast, structure is
those factors of influence (such as social class, religion, gender,
ethnicity, ability, customs, etc.) that determine or limit an agent and their
decisions.” Having agency simply means that things do not just
happen to us. Instead we feel that we have some level of control and
accountability over ourselves.
As I layout my argument against the point of view
that claims our powerlessness, I have accepted that I will be labeled as a
supporter and enabler of NGOs and a friend of the international
community. Unfortunately, that will have missed the point of this
piece. My thesis here is not to make the case for the goodness of
NGOs or international donors. Instead, it is to hold a mirror to
ourselves in order to diagnose our problems so we can we tackle them, and play
the game with the cards that we are dealt.
My view is that one of the fundamental problems we
face is one of governance, which is essential to development but what exactly
is “governance”? The Webster dictionary defines governance as: the
way that a city, company, etc., is controlled by the people who run it. Some
of the synonyms include: administration, care, conduct, control, direction,
government, guidance, management, oversight, regulation, stewardship, and
supervision.
The emphasis on governance implies the continued and
transparent application of rules and practices to manage a business or the
affairs of the state. In the Haitian context it is what President
Jovenel Moise identified as the five ills of the country “corruption,
corruption, corruption, corruption, and corruption.” According to
the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR),
good governance is…
The process whereby public institutions
conduct public affairs, manage public resources and guarantee the realization
of human rights in a manner essentially free of abuse and corruption, and with
due regard for the rule of law. The true test of "good" governance is
the degree to which it delivers on the promise of human rights: civil,
cultural, economic, political and social rights. The key question is: are the
institutions of governance effectively guaranteeing the right to health,
adequate housing, sufficient food, quality education, fair justice and personal
security?
The argument that centers on blaming the
International Community and/or the NGOs for all of Haiti’s ills is certainly
easier to make and one that is most likely to get broad
affirmation. This argument lacks nuance and leaves aside the issues
of agency and good governance. It leads the reader to conclude that were
it not for the IC or the NGOs, Haiti would have progressed. It would
claim the principal reason for the recent uprising of July 6th and
7th was that the people rose up against the overly powerful IMF, which
controls our politicians. That is indeed a powerful argument to make
and one that would make any dissenter appear to be defending the IMF and surely
appear unpatriotic. This argument leaves little space for doubt and
self-reflection. However, the reality is that, if asked, one would be hard
pressed to find a single person who was protesting because of the
IMF. Instead, the people took to the streets to express their
frustrations and resentment of the failed political system, and their anger and
total rejection of the economic and political establishment. The
convergence of issues that led to July 6th clearly captures John Locke’s
argument that “a social contract between a ruler and ruled can be rescinded by
the latter if the government takes away property and enslaves people.” In
such circumstances, “the People have a right to remove it by force.”
The Flaws of the Anti-NGO Argument
The emotions around the IC/NGO involvement are
insidious and make for a powerful concoction that blinds even the clearest eyes
and silences dissent. Even President Jovenel has been making the case against
the NGOs despite knowing that nearly 60% of investments in Haiti come from said
international community often through NGOs. The President is often
seen inaugurating buildings, roads, schools and clinics that are paid for by
international donors. Further, the administration has welcomed, for
example, the support of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), which has
disbursed more than one billion Gourdes (approx. 15 million US dollars) to its
most strategic and flagship initiative the “Caravan of Change.” In
that instance the donor is not a culprit. Ironically, right before
the protests the government had been touting the international community’s
endorsement of the caravan as proof that it had not only the right strategy to
develop Haiti but also as a seal of approval of its good governance.
No matter the context, the problem remains whole and
it is the chasm that exists between the state and the people. To
illustrate this point, dissenters have been asking for years that all NGOs
leave Haiti. Therefore, I had expected that they would welcome Doctors Without
Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) recent closing of the maternity hospital
in Delmas 33. In addition, in the coming months MSF has plans to
shut down another hospital – a 122-bed trauma center in Tabarre. I
honestly had expected a celebration of the departure of MSF but there wasn't
any. Of course, I understand the dilemma. We all know that Haiti’s
health system is weak. In the most recent fiscal budget the
government allocated less than 6 billion Gourdes to the health sector in
contrast to the 7.2 billion Gourdes allocated to the Parliament. In
that same budget they had the following allocations: the Primature (2 billion);
the Presidency (1.46 billion); the Ministry of Commerce (1.6 billion); the
Ministry of Culture (1.38 billion); the Ministry of the Environment (757
million); the Ministry of Tourism (739 million); the Ministry of Defense (514
million); the Ministry of Communication (350 million); the Ministry of Cults
(193 million); the Ministry of Haitians living abroad (127 million).
A 2017 World Bank Group study show that “the annual
per capita public health spending in Haiti is $13, compared with $781 in nearby
Cuba and $180 in the Dominican Republic.” In fact, only one-fourth of births
are attended by a skilled health professional. Most rural areas have no access
to health care, making residents susceptible to otherwise treatable
diseases. Given these facts, clearly no one would come out to
celebrate the closing of a free round-the-clock maternity hospital.
How to balance the NGO Relationship
I believe that reasonable people can agree that
Haiti needs to wind down its dependency on foreign aid. However,
there are other models of how to engage with the sector to promote our own
strategy. The first example is Rwanda, which did not kick out all NGOs but
instead developed a process that moved NGOs from post disaster relief
responders to partners in the country’s development strategy.
In the post-genocide context, the first order of
business was to save as many lives as possible. Similar to Haiti,
that period was also rife with confusion and resulted in the waste of a lot of
resources. However, Rwanda has since established its own development
strategy, strengthen its governance structures and engage NGOs as partners in
its development efforts with a focus on capacity building. Today, Rwanda
is not only stable, its economy is growing and it is considered a model for
other developing countries.
Closer to home the commune of Delmas, whose mayor is
Mr. Wilson Jeudy, is illustrative of a leader who has been able to engage the
IC, NGOs and NGOs in projects that benefit his community. His approach, similar
to Rwanda, is not one of antagonism. Whether it is the PRODEPUR project
financed by the world bank to rebuild homes and provide access to basic
services in Delmas 32, or the British Red Cross building of Canals,
marketplaces, paving, drainage, community clinics and installing solar panels
street lighting in the areas of Delmas 19 or USAID Lokal +
projects. The municipality works alongside organizations like PADF,
JP/HRO, and Build Change while at the same growing its tax
base. Today, the commune of Delmas is used as a model of how a
municipality can work with external partners to build trust with its citizens
and grow its local revenue base.
As a country, Haiti uses international aid as the
primary source for capital investments. In the current budget for
fiscal year 2017-18, 94% of the domestic resources (i.e., tax revenues) are
allocated to operating expenses and 6% for capital
expenditures. Most of the budget is spent on operating expenses like
salaries. Conversely, this means that most of the capital
investments we see happening are done by or with the support of international
donors or with limited loans like the Petro Caribe program funded by the
Venezuelan government. Most donor countries, including Venezuela,
that give grants will use their own consultants and require the purchase of
goods from their manufacturers. Objectively, this is logical and a
strategy that is to be expected. For example, it would be, at best,
naive to expect that the US government would allow its money to be used for the
purchase of a French-made Renault vehicle, or for the French to allow their
taxpayer money to purchase a flight on American airlines.
Irrespective of one’s position, we can all agree
that Haiti needs to strengthen its governance structures to respond to the
people’s aspirations. To change the dynamics and increase our government’s
ability to make demands on external actors will require that we clean our own
house and apply rules and processes that are legitimate. This
starts, first and foremost, by respecting our own constitution, which calls for
the inclusion of our citizens in the governance process.
It would mean that by respecting our own laws there
would be a local representative from the departmental assemblies coming from
the indirect elections also called elections in the second degree. This
local representative has the constitutional right to sit in the ministerial
council to ensure that local issues are represented in the debates, especially
around budget time. As the saying goes: you are either at
the table or on the menu. Finally, it would mean respecting the budget
process as outlined in the constitution to ensure that citizens are able to
participate in setting priorities for their communities.
How Haiti Can Better Use Aid Dollars
One of the major complications in development is how
International Aid is disbursed. A 2012 study by the Center for
Global Development found that “the Government of Haiti received just 1 percent
of humanitarian aid and somewhere between15 and 21 percent of longer-term
relief aid.” It found that “donors continue to be reluctant to fund the
government. Valid concerns arise about the lack of capacity within the Haitian
Government, as well as entrenched systems of patronage, corruption, and
inefficiency. Yet government capacity will never be built or improved if donors
continue to bypass local institutions in favor of NGOs.” This has been the most
common reason put forward by the donor community to bypass Haitian
organizations and institutions.
To change the dynamics and our government’s ability
to make demands on external actors will require that we clean our own house and
apply rules and processes that are legitimate. This starts, first
and foremost, by respecting our own constitution, which calls for the inclusion
of our citizens in the governance process. This would ensure three
things:
- That there is compliance with our laws and regulations
- That the public sector is efficient, and problems are
identified, and dealt with timely and appropriately
- That the state’s resources are used judiciously, and
the work is an alignment with the role of the state and the expectations
of the citizenry
Indeed, respecting the process and our own laws
would arm our elected representatives with the legitimacy when engaged in
negotiations with international partners. It would allow them to
make demands, push back and even say no when it is not in the national
interest. If the administration had listened to the voices of the
marginalized urban and rural poor, they would have known that the fuel increase
was unacceptable. They also would have had the cover to say “no” to
the IMF’s request during the negotiations.
In my current role leading a leadership development
organization, we teach people about community development. This
process starts by recognizing the existing assets within a community and more
specifically within the people. It is important to find the culprits
of wrongdoing, past and present, but by nature as well as an occupational
hazard, I am allergic with the idea of pointing fingers at how other people
manage their resources when we are unwilling to responsibly manage our
own. Yes, France. Yes, slavery. Yes, Duvalier. Yes,
US occupations. Yes, yes, yes and yes BUT it is time that we claim ourselves
and define our future.
Conclusion
To summarize my view of the IC/NGO debate, we have
to acknowledge the asymmetry that exists between Haiti and the donor community
as well as NGO. However, this state of affairs does not have to be
permanent nor can it define who we are. We have seen examples of
Rwanda and Delmas that have been able to harness their own resources (people
and money) and that of the international community and NGOs to achieve their
own strategic goals. Given our governance issues, it is also
inevitable that partners will distrust our systems and processes (Haitians do
as well) but despite any self-serving conclusion they may reach about Haiti,
there is a necessity to put our house in order. We must not
allow this narrative to define our agency as free people who make good and bad
choices but also assume its share of responsibilities.
While eliminating all aids is not the solution,
ensuring its effective use can contribute to Haiti’s development but
it [aid] will never be the long-term solution. We need to understand
that aid is a foreign policy tool that serves the commercial and/or political
interests of the donor country. We need to use it for our own
interests. In the best circumstances, aid could help advance our
development agenda but it can never and should never replace the rational
utilization of our own resources.
We Haitians must take the destiny of our country
into our own hands. It starts with recognizing the humanity in
each other. It includes good governance, transparency and requires a
better allocation and rational utilization of the resources we do have: human
capital and natural. It involves having a strategic plan but also the ability
to coordinate its execution with rigor. More importantly, it requires
sacrifices but also a shared accountability, which means the inclusion of the
population at various levels as outlined in our constitution. Given
the level of mistrust within the nation, what is most vital to us as a nation
is to respect the rule of law.
We have been and will always be a proud people and
despite our history we can never allow any narrative that questions our agency
to take hold. We have agency, decency and dignity. We are
Haitians and we do have agency.
[1] Author Gerard
Barthelmy judiciously sketched this point in his book “Haiti en Dehors”
