Haiti's War Against Inequality, Injustice, and Insecurity

 

• Originally published on LinkedIn: October 2, 2022

“The outraged have a right to cry and even scream their wrongs into the ears of their fellow men whenever and wherever there is a chance of awakening the conscience or the self-respect of the wrongdoer.”

Frederick Douglas

Introduction

As Haiti experiences another political convulsion, the country continues to fall further backward. Amid the political crisis, businesses are shutting down or barely functioning. Schools are unable to open their doors and hospitals cannot function as their fuel supplies get exhausted. For Haitians, their dreams and aspirations are being snuffed out. Those with the financial means are leaving the country in droves.

The question for Haitians inside and outside of Haiti is, what do we do?

First, Haitians must acknowledge that Haiti’s problems are for Haitians to solve. The people have shown strength, resolve, and dignity but they cannot take on this fight alone. One of the primary challenges is the deep division that exists in Haitian society. There can be no sustainable solution unless Haiti tackles its deep social inequalities. As Pope Francis recently tweeted, “inequality is at the root of social evil.” The recurring violent uprisings only reflect a rejection of this system of exclusion. The risks associated with the post-colonial system of exclusions are three-fold. One, the country's somalization will continue unabated. Second, as Haitians flee to safety, this will fuel the rise of anti-Haitian sentiments. Third, neighboring countries will view Haiti as a risk to regional stability. This may result in another foreign occupation.

To answer the question of what to do, one should consider the Haitian proverb that says "Lè labouyi cho, ou manje-l a rebò.” When the porridge is hot, one eats it on the side. In management terms, this means when faced with a complex problem, the best approach is to break it down into smaller pieces. In Haiti's complex puzzle, the smallest piece is to focus on its insecurity.

Haiti needs a reset and it starts with security and justice. Haiti is at war with itself! It is a war against inequality, injustice, and insecurity.

As the familiar Spanish proverb tells us “great ills require great remedies.” Haiti is besieged and the appropriate response for a country at war is to mobilize its assets and move to a war footing. This war aims to resolve the insecurity crisis and lay the foundation for a more fair society. It will include three phases. The first phase is to mobilize the country’s human and financial human resources. The second is to strengthen the public finances and other key institutions such as the judicial branch and the electoral council. The third is to consolidate its gains to move toward a national dialogue and elections.

Contemporary challenges

Haiti is once again in the headlines. Its citizens are experiencing another wave of violence. The country is living another “peyi lòk” (country lockdown). This new crisis is the result of de facto Prime Minister Ariel Henry’s decision to increase fuel prices. This is the second such increase in less than one year. The regime instituted the first one in December 2021 and people saw prices rise from 201 to 250 Gourdes or 24.4%. The second, nine months later, saw prices increase from 250 to 570 Gourdes or 128%. These increases took effect as over 4.5 million Haitians do not have enough to eat and 1.3 million are food insecure. Meanwhile, inflation is at a historic high of 30% and Haiti's currency lost 28.6% of its value over the past year.

The de facto regime has been in power for over 14 months with the support of the international community. Meanwhile, Haitians are living in fear. Their businesses are being ruined and their dreams and aspirations are going up in smoke.

The world knows this. In its April 2022 Country Report on Human Rights Practices, the US State Department’s noted the following: “Significant human rights issues included credible reports of unlawful and arbitrary killings by gangs allegedly supported by government officials and private-sector actors; torture or cruel and degrading treatment by government agents.”

Other reports from the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and human rights organizations have documented mass killings and rapes by gangs. The gang wars have created thousands of internally displaced people (IDPs), and the destruction of hundreds of schools, medical centers, and markets.

The de facto regime has shown not only its disinterest in the people but also its incapacity to govern.

The country’s economy has ground to a halt as the gangs have blocked access to its single fuel terminal. As a result, businesses and hospitals have stopped operating. The first duty of a government is to protect its citizens. But the de facto regime has shown not only its disinterest in the people but also its incapacity to govern. At the United Nations General Assembly last week, Haiti's Minister for Foreign Affairs claimed that "everything was under control." This statement displayed the regime’s callousness and disdain for its citizens who are unable to travel within the country, find food to eat, or clean water to drink.

The Haitian crisis rests on three overlapping issues: extreme inequality, unbridled public corruption, and deeply rooted impunity.

For the better part of Haiti's 218 years of history, most Haitians were pushed to the periphery of the state. They don't have access to basic services including water, education, or security. The contemporary “peyi lòk” is a modern version of a reality that too many citizens have experienced for far too long. As anthropologist Gérard Barthélemy explained in his book “Le Pays en Dehors” roughly translated as “The Country Outside.” He depicted a society that developed based upon the exclusion and exploitation of the country's rural majority.

The current convulsions reflect the demand for a deep transformation.

Living in the shadow of the world's superpower

Haiti must gain and protect its sovereignty at all costs. Yet, despite its history with the Western powers, it cannot insulate itself from globalization.

The Core Group (CG) – a conglomeration of the Ambassadors of Germany, Brazil, Canada, Spain, the United States of America, France, the European Union, the Special Representative of the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations – is partly responsible for Haiti's governance crisis. But, too many Haitians have fallen into the trap of the “single story.” They believe the West hates Haiti because it dared gain its independence in 1804. However, a review of the previous chapters in the history books shows another side. It is that the superpowers have applied the same policy prescriptions toward other European countries then as they do toward Haiti now.

The root of the West’s economic policy tools came into being with King Henry VII of England (1485).

A review of Economist Erik Reinert's book “How Rich Countries Got Rich… and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor” makes a key historical observation. The root of the West’s economic policy tools came into being with King Henry VII of England (1485). Back then, England applied those economic policies against Spain, Italy, and Holland. Reinert documented that “the same toolbox was employed by virtually all continental European countries in the nineteenth century.” This does mean that race is not a factor today but it cannot be the primary lens of analysis.

In dealing with the CG, Haiti faces one challenge. It is to find a balance between engaging this influential body and maintaining its sovereignty.

On the other hand, the US – the primary actor in the CG – has declared its support for a Haitian solution. US policymakers claim to not want to put their thumb on Haiti's political scale. First, it is important to note that it was never up to the US to decide whether Haiti finds a Haitian solution. Second, they should never have had their thumb on the scale. Indeed, these statements demonstrate the US infantilizing and contemptuous policy approach to Haiti.

Despite the claims, in practice, the US provides the de facto regime with implicit political support. Additionally, they're attempting to delegitimize Haitians' demand for a government that works for its people.

The US provides the regime with implicit political support.

During a recent discussion on U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere, National Security Council Senior Director, Juan Gonzalez stated that if one were to “look at the protests that are taking place as a result of the end of fuel subsidies, they are financed by economic actors who stand to lose money from the reduction in subsidies.”

This comment - filled with contradiction - was echoed by Haitian Americans and the Henry regime. A quick review shows Mr. Gonzales claiming one thing and its opposite. He stated that “the protests were caused by the end of fuel subsidies.” Then he pivoted to say that the protests were “financed by economic actors who stand to lose money from the reduction in subsidies.” Neither Mr. Gonzalez nor those who support the fuel increase have explained how the oil companies’ economic interests are impacted. Even less, why would that lead them to finance the protests against the regime? As it stands, the oil companies are paid in full no matter what happens. Nothing changes whether the government subsidizes the fuel or the consumers pay the full price at the pump.

One thing has been true over the years, those who control Haiti’s economy and benefit from a weak or corrupt state use their money to maintain the status quo. More importantly, the US and Canada know better than most of the economic and political forces that are destabilizing Haiti. They also know of their affiliation with the gangs. Even worse, the ill-gotten wealth of these powerful economic and political actors is in American and Canadian banks.

First thing first

There is a Haitian proverb that says one should start eating hot porridge from the side. It means when faced with a complex problem, the best approach is to break it down into smaller pieces. The smallest piece of Haiti’s complex crisis is insecurity.

If the first issue to tackle in Haiti is insecurity then the appropriate response is to put Haiti on a war footing. This translates into three policy actions:

1. allocate at least half the national treasury to fighting the war on terror. Haiti must use its budget to fund and equip its army and police.

2. declare a state of emergency which will allow the state to:

• call up all able-bodied former members of the Haitian armed forces to back up the Haitian National Police
• recruit young men of age to integrate into the armed forces. One idea is to recruit at least 1,000 new members per department including the diaspora for a total of 11,000 members. These members should come through a community-based vetting process
• recruit at least 500 former police officers and soldiers from the US
• suspend all private port ownership due to national security interests
• contract with a reputable international firm to manage the border and all Haitian ports

3. launch a program to get at least 100,000 members of the diaspora to donate an average of $100 per month for 12 months.

• create a board with respected members of the diaspora and the Ministry of finance to manage the funds

International Partnership

A good partnership depends on trust. After years of negative experiences, Haitians do not trust the members of the Core Group. Indeed, the Core Group's policies have not only failed but are at the roots of the current crisis. For example, Haitians point to the UN’s support for the federation of Haiti’s gangs. In 2020, Le Nouvelliste published an article titled “Selon l’ONU, grâce au G9, moins de morts violentes mais plus d’enlèvements (According to the UN, thanks to the G9, fewer violent deaths but more kidnappings)." The article quoted Secretary-General Antonio Guterres's report to the Security Council on the situation in Haiti in which he credited the “effective control of G9 in certain urban areas appears to have had an impact on broad crime trends during the period under review.”

The Core Group has no credibility in Haiti.

The Core Group has no credibility in Haiti. If it wants to be a partner then it will need to engage other actors. One option is to work more closely with CARICOM, especially with Jamaica. The Jamaicans have a long history of dealing with gangs in their own country. They have much to share with the Haitian National Police. As their contribution, the US and Canada could finance a 600-strong specialized unit. Haiti can also partner with other countries such as South Africa and Rwanda. They are experienced in peace-building – an approach that is different from conflict management.

To implement these ideas, Haiti must overcome its most intractable challenge – the mistrust that exists among its citizens. One key response to this challenge is transparency. There must be new rules that apply to the state and those who seek to be part of the political solution. There are many approaches to increasing transparency. Below are a few recommendations :

• Publish bimonthly reports on the state's finances - newspaper and radio
• Publish quarterly reports of the salary and assets of the top people involved in managing state resources
• Obtain signed commitment by those who wish to participate in a transition to forgo all ambitions to hold higher office
• Put in place a citizen-led watchdog office supported by reputable auditors and human rights organizations
• Reinforce key institutions such as the Unit for the Fight Against Corruption (ULCC) with the support of a partner like Rwanda

Conclusion

Haiti is experiencing the most challenging time in more than two centuries. The contemporary intermingling crises are rooted in its post-colonial system of social exclusion. This has historically left most Haitians outside of the state. Today, the population finds itself even more isolated as gangs take control of ever-larger swaths of territories. The country is now split into two and all economic activities have come to a grinding halt. Gangs have blocked access to the country's only fuel terminal. 

As a result, hospitals, schools, and businesses are closing. The hunger crisis is growing more severe as farmers are unable to move their perishable produce to market. Even water distribution has halted as companies run out of fuel to operate their generators. For the first time since 2019, the country has documented its first case of cholera.

The current illegitimate regime of de facto prime minister Henry has shown its incapacity and unwillingness to tackle any of the country’s ills. Haiti's inflation reached a historic high of 30%, and its currency lost 28.6% of its value over the past year. More than 4.5 million Haitians do not have enough to eat and 1.3 million are highly food insecure. It is in this context the regime decided to impose two increases on fuel prices, 24.45%, and 128% respectively.

The population took to the streets to protest against these increases but more broadly against the state of terror that has gripped the country.

In response, the US, echoed by the de facto regime and some members of the Haitian diaspora, launched a campaign to vilify the protesters. The core group – led by the United States – is once again attempting to appropriate the Haitian people’s right to self-determination. Despite the broad demands for Henry’s resignation, the Core Group continues to provide the regime with its implicit support. They do so while promoting the idea of a Haitian-led solution to the crisis.

The current crisis may appear intractable but Haitians must be the central actors in solving it. As with any complex problem, the country must focus on the first things first. This requires a coherent agenda and sacrifices from all actors for the good of the collective.

Those who aspire to lead the country through this chapter must commit to giving up all future political ambitions. The state must clean its act, especially as it relates to financial transparency. Haiti must move to a war footing to take on the terrorists who are holding the population, hostage. These terrorists include the gang leaders, the political and economic actors who fund them, and the corrupt officials who facilitate their activities.

The international community can play a role but it has to do so with humility. It has to acknowledge that democracy can never be imposed with the tip of a bayonet.

As Haiti enters a war footing against terrorism, the first step for policymakers is to sensitize the population – including the diaspora. The war must have two objectives. One is to resolve the widespread insecurity and achieve stability. The other is to lay the foundation for a more fair society.

This includes three phases:

1. a transition phase that mobilizes the country’s human and financial human resources to fight Haiti’s war on terror
2. a stabilization phase that strengthens the public finances and other institutions such as the judicial branch, the electoral council, revitalized or newly created political parties, a free press, and strong human rights organizations
3. a consolidation phase that involves a national dialogue and elections.

What shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?

 

• Originally published on LinkedIn: June 5, 2022

War is one of the most brutal acts undertaken by humans and yet even in wars, there are rules. Similarly, society has laws to protect the rights of all citizens – even those who have committed crimes - even heinous ones.  One of the basic concepts that support the rule of law is due process. This concept is not simply to protect the rights of one who breaks the law but more importantly protect the rights of the innocent. In Haiti where over 70% of the people in prison have never been charged with a crime or seen a judge – even though the law sets the limit to 48 hours – the respect for law and due process is all the more important to protect the rights of every Haitian citizen who is assumed to be innocent until proven guilty.

Even for the sake of expediency, we cannot allow our law enforcers to become judges, juries, and executioners.

The situation in Haiti is horrifying. Kidnappings and murders have become part of daily life. There is no quality of life -- in fact, there is no life when one lives in constant fear. It is therefore understandable that the Haitian population is exhausted from the absolute chaos that has resulted from the total breakdown in the rule of law. Gangs have replaced the state and can maim and kill with impunity.  The population needs safety and security. However, even for the sake of expediency, we cannot allow our law enforcers to become judges, juries, and executioners because doing will result in the loss of both security and our rights as citizens.  This would be a huge loss for Haitian society, both in the figurative sense (moral) and also the literal one as we become that which we presumably reject – a lawless country.

The acceptance that a high-level law enforcer can act with impunity like the gangs will mean that we will no longer have any basis to label a gang member a criminal. This is a challenging concept to consider when you are living in constant fear. However, the results of acting like the very criminals we are combatting are as plain as day. 

• We would have accepted that society is no longer bounded by any basic norms, rules, and laws
• We would have normalized chaos and accepted our law enforcers to be the same as the criminals.
• We would have agreed that citizens can no longer hold the state (government officials) accountable because the rule of law would no longer exists.

A loss to the politic of chaos will equate to running recklessly back into the arms of the form of governance that our ancestors fought against –  autocratic and/or dictatorial. 

We are rightfully outraged by the kidnappings and wanton murders committed by criminals of all stripes (white-collar or street gangs) because those acts are immoral and illegal. To allow a government official whose job is to enforce the law to execute an alleged criminal and post it on Facebook is decaying our moral compass and presents a grave danger to our democratic ideals and values. It means that a loss to the politic of chaos will equate to running recklessly back into the arms of the form of governance that our ancestors fought against –  autocratic and/or dictatorial. 

It understandably feels good and righteous that someone is finally standing up to the gangs but if doing so means losing our humanity, then what good would it be indeed to gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?

Reflections on NY Times article: The Root of Haiti's Misery: Reparations to Enslavers.

 

• Originally published on LinkedIn: May 21, 2022

This morning, the NY Times published a well-researched piece titled "The Root of Haiti's Misery: Reparations to Enslavers." I have to say right from the start that this piece seems to be well-researched and presents a scathing analysis of the central role the consecutive debts, or more appropriately France's extortion played in making Haiti the poorest nation in the Western hemisphere.

The piece is thorough and beautifully weaves historical facts and analysis as storytelling seen through the eyes of a protagonist -- Ms. Present.  It opens with the imagery of Ms. Present's morning routine.

DONDON, Haiti — Adrienne Present steps into the thin forest beside her house and plucks the season’s first coffee cherries, shining like red marbles in her hands.

The harvest has begun.

Each morning, she lights a coal fire on the floor of her home in the dark. Electricity has never come to her patch of northern Haiti.

She sets out a pot of water, fetched from the nearest source — a mountain spring sputtering into a farmer’s field. Then she adds the coffee she has dried, winnowed, roasted and pounded into powder with a large mortar called a pilon, the way she was taught as a child.  

This imagery is palpable and nostalgic of how most Haitians remember Haiti. As I read the first sentence, I was taken back to my time in Haiti's countryside and places like Dondon. I pictured the many beautiful Haitian women, like Ms. Present, who've prepared the amazing Haitian coffee that I still seek every morning when I wake up in New York. I admit that I was immediately flooded with memories and experienced sensory overload in reading the article. All this to say that the NY Times journalists: Catherine Porter, Constant Méheut, Matt Apuzzo and Selam Gebrekidan, had me at "hello."

It was barely 9 am and I had read the article twice and had three quick reflections. First, it saddens me that an American newspaper had to write this important piece of Haitian history. While the article is translated into French and Kreyòl (bravo to NY Times), these important historical events and analyses should be the work of Haitian historians and storytellers. Sadly, the great majority of Haitians -- in Haiti and the diaspora will never read it. The importance of this documented history is that it does away with the narrative of a Haiti that is somehow cursed or solely responsible for its current state. It is a well-documented and unequivocal fact that the country's current challenges are the results of forces (without and within) that conspired to maintain Haitians in misery (mizè). Conversely, I hope that when folks are tempted to start any description of Haiti as "the poorest country in the western hemisphere," they have the decency and intellectual honesty to append that it is because of the greed of the colonial powers.

It is often called the “independence debt.” But that is a misnomer. It was a ransom.

Haiti was known as the pearl of the Antilles and the jewel in France's crown. According to records published at the John Carter Brown Library, Haiti became the "world’s top producer of sugar and coffee and among the global leaders in indigo, cacao and cotton (which was rising rapidly in importance)."  The documentation showed that "the reasons for this extraordinary performance can be explained from a number of factors – qualities of land and climate, government support, and more than anything, the presence of a huge number of enslaved Africans who propelled this extensive economic system with their labor." The price for liberty was paid with sweat of free labor and blood. It is therefore galling to think that despite being shunned by the world's major powers, one needs still to consider that the winner of the war had to pay restitutions to the loser.

The ransom and the loan to pay it — a stunning load that boosted the fledgling Parisian international banking system and helped cement Haiti’s path into poverty and underdevelopment.

Second, while I did not expect much from the French and Americans based on these countries' economic interests, it angers me to read of the role that so-called "Haitian elites and leaders" played in maintaining their people in mizè.  Their nefarious role continues to this day and one would argue that it has worsened. The contemporary enemies of the people and the Haitian state are still within and without. 

Generations after enslaved people rebelled and created the first free Black nation in the Americas, their children were forced to work, sometimes for little or even no pay, for the benefit of others — first the French, then the Americans, then their own dictators. 

Thirdly, I am also concerned that this story might confirm our collective sense of grievance and blinds us to the work at hand. The lessons of the past are useful to the extent they help us understand why our people are in this situation and what the incentives that drive behaviors. More importantly, my hope is that the publication of this history will allow us to learn from our mistakes. 

The fact is this article will be shared by thousands of people in the diaspora and confirm that France is at the roots of all of our ills -- and they are indeed responsible for a lot of it. It will also confirm the role the US played, first, overtly during the occupation and behind the scene to the present day. However, it is exactly because of those facts and the role the international actors play in our demise that we cannot allow ourselves to limit our reflections to the grievances of the past. To be clear, Haiti deserves reparations and that is a worthwhile fight. However, we need to tackle the current socio-political crises. In doing so, we need to set our own paths and find our own solutions. That means the US needs to stop tipping the scale on behalf of the current de facto Prime Minister Ariel and the shadow PHTK government.

In summary, this article laid bare the role of France and the US, and more recently the UN, have played in destabilizing Haiti. If we learn anything from this article and our history, it is that we need to drastically change our relationship with each other. At the center of a new vision for Haiti must be the elimination of exclusion. Our single purpose must be to ensure that everyone can achieve their inalienable and imprescriptible rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

Indeed, we must commit ourselves to eliminate the gulf that exists between us and Ms. Present or the internal divisions will only grow wider and destroy us all. As we reflect on the price Haiti paid for freedom -- not just ours, Jesus' warning to the Pharisees should guide our response “Every kingdom divided against itself is laid waste, and no city or house divided against itself will stand."

Haitian-American leaders need to step-up but also step-in

 

• Originally published on LinkedIn: December 11, 2021

Trust One Another 

In a recent NY Times article about the end of Angela Merkel’ 16 years as chancellor, three words in her final message stood out: Trust one another.  In her speech, Mrs. Merkel emphasized that “Democracy, depends on solidarity and trust, including the trust in facts.” 

Mrs. Merkel's central parting word to her nation was “trust.” Lest we forget, the Federal Republic of Germany is one of the strongest democracies in the world and the most powerful country in Europe, and yet the chancellor found it necessary to remind Germans of this fundamental point. She did so because the concept of trust is central to social cohesion. The work to build and maintain a people's trust muscle is vital for nation building but more importantly for sustaining said nation. 

In a 2020 article “The Elusive Quest for Growth: The Role of Trust” published by the Inter-American Development Bank’s Research Department, the researchers noted that “Trust is a linchpin of any efficient economic system.” They observed that  “Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) confronts one of the most severe economic downturns in its history.” Indeed, the research documented that while “ Interpersonal trust – or trust between citizens – fell on a global level from 39% between 1981-1985 to 23% between 2010 - 2014,” this decline was “especially painful in the Latin American and Caribbean region.”  In a comparative analysis, they reported that while the interpersonal trust in the OECD countries fell from 50% to 35%, it dropped on average from 22% to 10% in Latin America and the Caribbean.

This conclusion has deeply negative incidence on economic growth. To illustrate, between 1960 and 2017, the “typical emerging Asian nation, for example, advanced from a per capita income of 11 percent of that of the United States in 1960 to 58 percent in 2017. While, on average, countries in Latin America and the Caribbean gained only 4 percent in terms of the United States’ per capita income during that time.” 

I believe that the trust gap is at the core of Haiti's challenges. The lack of trust is deeply-rooted in Haiti’s social structures and can even be found in the early revolutionary days, which led to the country’s founding as a republic. Gérard Barthélemy, in his book “le Pays en Dehors (the Country Outside),” illustrated this chasm in the context of the “opposing economic interests of the exploiting part (Creole – mixed children of the French colonizer and slave women) and the exploitable part (Bossale – African born slaves). The "Pays en Dehors" phenomenon remains to this day and can be observed in the permanent riffs between rural vs. urban (nèg andeyò vs nèg lavil), educated vs. uneducated (nèg save vs. nèg sòt), good/straight hair vs. coarse hair (nèg cheve siwo vs. nèg tèt grenn), light skin mulattos vs. dark skin blacks (milat vs. bosal/nèg nwè).

The world has yet to catch up with Dessalines’s vision

Dessalines, Haiti’s founder, understood these issues and expressed a vision of a unified people that went beyond the limited definitions. He boldly claimed that everyone who set foot on Haiti’s soil was free but also a "nèg" which can be closely translated to negro but not in the sense of the offensive noun. Instead, it became a proper noun with no racial connotation and even encompassed gender. I believe Dessalines dreamt of refashioning our identity to capture our full humanity. That is, to be a Haitian is to be a nèg.  To be a nèg is to be a "moun (human)" and " tout moun se moun (all people are humans)."

As Haitians, we often proudly and loudly repeat the powerful national motto of “L'union fait la force, (unity creates strength).” Yet, Haiti remains a paradoxical country in which a very large portion of the population has not only been ostracized but excluded from basic citizenship while foreign nationals are not only accepted but they are revered. The undergoing displacement of the mulattos by the Levantine has only exacerbated the chasm, move the country farther away from the Dessalinian ideals, and serve to magnify the “Pays en Dehors” phenomena. 

Standing with the people as they wrestle the demons

Although in general, it is understood that a crisis brings people together, Haiti’s deepening socio-political crises, which have unleashed incontrollable insecurity dominated by arms/drug trafficking and money laundering, have challenged civil society to find appropriate solutions. For those of us living outside of Haiti – the diaspora– we understand that our contribution is necessary in support of the work being done on the ground.  But this contribution requires a united diaspora. Yet, despite knowing this truth and despite many attempts, we have not yet been able to define and agree on some short-term goals and even less, a common purpose as a people. Indeed, the same social fractions that have bred mistrust in Haitian society are evident in the diaspora. We are the reflection of Haiti’s deep social ills and disunion.  

As Jacob wrestled with himself in Genesis 32:25, we too must wrestle our demons.

The Haitian diaspora needs to play its legitimate role but doing so requires that it faces the structural and social ills that affect Haitian society – within and outside of Haiti. Therefore, one of the most important tasks for diaspora leaders is to unite disparate communities around a common cause. That’s what leaders do.

For those among us who choose to play a leadership role in the Haitian diaspora, we must surely know and accept that leadership is always hard, and at this particular moment with our specific community, it is even harder. But as the Chinese proverb goes “A journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step.” To that end, I want to encourage my friends and colleagues, especially in the United States, who are not only passionate but are actively engaged in the fight for the betterment of our people to not only step-up but to also step-in, and serve as the connective tissue that links our many "haitis."  

I am calling in our elected leaders to lead! And in the spirit of love and respect, I am calling in the leaders of specific organizations to step-up and step-in.

One of those organizations is the National Haitian Elected Officials Network (NHAEON). With more than 80 current and former Haitian-American Elected and Appointed Officials, I believe NHAEON can serve as a facilitator and provide the platform for the various organizations to talk to one another. I am calling in my friends in various community organizations to step into the circle. I want to highlight among them the United Front of the Haitian Diaspora, the Haitian-American Foundation for Democracy, the Haitian Diaspora Political Action Committee, the Haitian United Council, the Haitian-American Professional Coalition, the Haitian American Voters Empowerment (HAVE) Coalition, the Haitian Congress to Fortify Haiti and all the others that involved in advocacy work.

I will close by humbly offering three pieces of advice to my Haitian-American friends and leaders:

1. Step in and do what you think is right. You will get criticized by somebody somewhere sometime -- it comes with the territory. You must accept the criticisms and use it as an opportunity to share your vision one hundred times over, if needed, to the very same three people.
2. As my friend Eileen Alma, Director, International Centre for Women’s Leadership at Coady Institute, wisely shared with me recently, we should forget about bringing people to the table.  Instead, she said, we should break the damn table and co-create something new altogether that allows everyone to be in the conversation.
3. Make a concerted effort to be inclusive. The Haitian community is more than its doctors, lawyers, nurses and other professionals. The great majority of the diaspora is made up of folks working in the service sector, from taxi drivers to home health aides to hotel and restaurant workers. We must find the points that connect and bring them in the circle. After expanding all efforts to that end, try again. But accept that some people will choose to opt out. Respect their choice, keep moving and try again later.  

Haiti is at a crossroad and it is yet another fateful moment in our history. One fundamental question for all of us is whether we are willing to seize the moment.  The other more difficult one to answer is whether our leaders are willing to sacrifice their egos.

 

 

The Fight for the Rule of Law in Haiti Is the Fight for a Just Society

 Published on November 9, 2021

By Johnny Celestin New York City, and Regine Theodat, Croix des Bouquets,

https://internationallawsection.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/IL-2021-Fall-Final.pdf

We want to thank ILQ for putting a lens on Haiti.

As Haiti faces the most challenging time since existence as a nation, this publication is timely as it provides different analytical context to Haiti's current challenges. In our piece, Regine and I looked very specifically at the rule of law.

To read the entire article, click https://internationallawsection.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/IL-2021-Fall-Final.pdf

Haiti has once again made the international headlines with the assassination of President Jovenel Moise in his residence and another earthquake just weeks apart. The news of President Moise’s death in July 2021 capped four tumultuous years of governance marred by continued corruption, insecurity and social mobilization. President Moise’s term is believed to have ended in February 2021 by a large swath of Haitian civil society, including most respected constitutional law scholars (from the political right and left), human rights organizations, the organized religious community (protestant, catholic and vodouizan) the major universities, all major trade unions – from teachers to transportation – and the Haitian Bar Federation. Even before the legal conclusion of his term, Moise was ruling by decree, a power he used to undermine and dismantle all other state institutions to concentrate power in his office.

the August 14th earthquake has laid bare the absence of the state, its inability to exert any control over its territory, or to fulfill its most basic function to protect the basic human rights of the Haitian population.

On August 14 2021, Haiti also experienced another earthquake that registered on the Richter scale a magnitude 7.2 earthquake. As of the writing of this article, the impact is still being evaluated. So far 1900 people are known to have died in the catastrophe; thousands more are injured and tens of thousands are without shelter and there is considerable material damage. The Haitian government is well-aware that Haiti is positioned on a fault line between huge tectonic plates and susceptible to large earthquakes.  And yet, virtually nothing was done to prepare the population nor for the state to respond to such an emergency – in fact, any emergency. As expected, this second earthquake once again laid bare the absence of the state, its inability to exert any control over its territory, or to fulfill its most basic function to protect the basic human rights of the population.

The rule of law is foundational to the respect of other civil rights such as healthcare, education and security.

Against this backdrop, this article will explore the constant challenges to and undermining of the rule of law in Haiti, which has become both commonplace & customary from the citizenry to the presidency.  The paper’s basic hypothesis is that the rule of law is the bedrock upon which rest all other rights. It is not only the system that protects citizens from being kidnapped and killed, but it is the only tool that can bring President Moise and the thousands of other victims a modicum of justice. The rule of law is foundational to the respect of other civil rights such as healthcare, education and security but it is also there to ensure that businesses are protected and therefore allow economic growth. The rule of law concept has to be normalized in the most basic human interactions. To that end, it must be taught in schools, as civics classes, it has to be reflected in the basic interactions – from respect for traffic laws to the state being legally held responsible for not providing a basic education to every child.       

The absence of the rule of law means citizens cannot get justice but neither will President Moise.

We will first situate the rule of law in Haiti within time and space through a brief historical outline. Next, we will define the concept of the rule of law and how it has been applied, or not, locally. Then we will move to more contemporary times and the current events that culminated in President Moise’s assassination. We will also briefly show how the absence of the rule of law has made the earthquake response and recovery difficult and impractical followed by an analysis of the central role the Moise administration played in continuing to deteriorate the rule of law. Lastly, the paper concludes by revisiting recommendations that were made after the 2010 earthquake in terms of how actors in the legal system, scholars, as well as civil society could reinforce the rule of law as an ipso facto step to the country’s development.

Is Haiti's Political Elite Truly Speaking for the People?

The news of the assassination of businessman and former presidential candidate, Eric Jean Baptiste reverberated like an electric shock through Haiti and abroad. Mr. Jean-Baptiste was a philanthropist and the leader of the political party Rally of Progressive National Democrats (RNDP). He was best known for his lottery business. However, he built his political profile through his campaign against the United Nations (UN) mission in Haiti. He was particularly angry by the introduction of cholera by the UN Nepalese troops.

As with many similar high-profile assassinations, we may never know who killed Mr. Jean-Baptiste or why. His name will grow the list of people who will never get justice. This list includes President Moise, the Bar association’s president Mr. Dorval, journalist Diego Charles, political activist Antoinette Duclair, and the young student Évelyne Sincère. Ms. Sincère's case was a particular affront to the conscience of the nation. She was kidnapped, raped, murdered, and thrown in a heap of garbage because her family was unable to pay the ransom of 15,000 Gourdes. This is approximately $120 US dollars at today’s exchange rate.

Mr. Jean-Baptiste was killed on his way home from a radio station where he presented a weekly editorial. His last public words were his admonishment of those who support another “invasion” of Haiti by international forces. He called them anti-nationalists. This macabre plan, he claimed, is to maintain Haitians in a state of mental and physical poverty. He believed it was to ensure the economic and political elite stranglehold over the country. He also believed the idea of intervention was a plan concocted by the international community, with the help of the anti-nationalists. The purpose was to steal Haiti’s rich mineral resources.

It is the height of irony that those who support an international intervention have seized on the assassination of Mr. Jean-Baptiste’s murder to make their case.

This latest murder has also brought to sharp relief the despair that most Haitians feel. That is, no one is safe. Yet, there are no solutions in sight, which begs two fundamental questions. How much more of this crisis can the Haitian people take? And if the people could speak for themselves, what would they say about international intervention?

Is there a majority in support of intervention?

In a democracy, political candidates, activists, journalists, scholars, civil society, etc. all have their roles and their platforms. The best method for people to express their aspirations is through elections. It also allows the people to exercise their power to choose or change their leaders. Haiti has not had elections for nearly 6 years. Citizens have no say in the affairs of the state. As a result, they have resorted to protests. This method has been the only way to make their demands for basic rights, and security.  

As activists who interact with other activists, we can find ourselves in an echo chamber where our ideas and belief get reinforced.  Our limited movements and overreliance on social media lead to overexposure to voices that hold similar opinions.  The confirmation of our beliefs leads us to hold our opinions as absolute truth.  In Haiti, there are no other objective ways to gauge public sentiment on key issues.  This leaves room for any opinion, even a minority one, to appear to be representative.  One way to overcome that challenge is through the use of public opinion polls/surveys. One such attempt is the recent survey conducted by SOCIODIG, an independent Haitian research company that polled over 1000 randomly selected and statistically representative Haitians living in Haiti, in March 2022. It generally concluded that “a majority of the Haitian population favor UN support if not intervention to resolve the ongoing political and security crisis in the country.”

Diving into some of the charts and numbers

When asked about the “Biggest Problems Facing Haiti,” an overwhelming majority of the survey respondents, 77 percent, believe armed groups (gangs) and kidnappings were the “biggest problems facing Haiti.” 

Indeed, due to its instability, Haiti continues to be classified as a key drug transit point in the Caribbean.  Haiti has the status of one of the most corrupt countries in the Americas due to the absence of state authority.   There is also collusion between the gangs and the economic and political actors.

The population is paying the price for Haiti’s lack of governance and the dissolution of state institutions.  In his October 8, 2022 letter to the President of the Security Council, the Secretary-General reported that “authorities registered 877 abductions, including 182 women, 13 girls and 15 boys” in seven months. The UN Integrated office in Haiti, cited 780 murders in the first 5 months of 2022, alone. 

A central sticking point in the debate around insecurity is the question about its underlying cause.   When asked about the “Biggest Two Causes of Current Crime and Unrest” nearly three out of four respondents, 70 percent, said the government. The gangs, political opposition, and foreigners received 40, 28, and 15 percent respectively.  

Over the past eight weeks, thousands have taken to the streets to protest against the recent increase in fuel prices.  More recently it has been against what they see as a march toward an invasion and occupation. Despite the dire situation and increased discontent, the opposition to de facto PM Henry and his government has not been able to build a mass popular movement.  While there are many theories as to why that is, the opposition has not conducted any scientific assessment of why their messages have not galvanized the majority of Haitians. 

The Sociodig’s survey attempts to tackle the thorny question of international intervention in Haiti.  The results – if they can be validated –  trend against the position of the political elite, which is broadly against any international intervention.  The survey’s authors acknowledge that their conclusion will “surely be controversial.”  However, they note from “other nationally representative surveys that an overwhelming majority of Haitians do not trust their own government. They do not trust local leaders, they do not trust their senators and deputies, and they do not trust their ministers. 

The camp that is against any intervention, which included Mr. Jean-Baptiste has not yet offered a viable alternative.  The pro-intervention camp is careful to note that they are not asking for invasion or occupation.  They request a contingent of a specialized police force that can supplement the Haitian National Police.  They have also asked for weapons, ammunition, and training.  On this point, the SocioDig survey has much to offer.

 

When asked about the actions that the UN could take to support the PNH, 83 percent answered that “Any support should include vetting of PNH candidates to assure they have no connection to gangs.” 80 percent responded that “Support should include UN police working and fighting side by side with PNH against the gangs. 

 

 

 

A hotbed of instability with no solution in sight

The Haiti crisis is already affecting the region and an unbiased review leads to the conclusion that there will be an intervention. What is happening in Haiti is not just an internal affair, it concerns the international community because it is about other countries’ internal stability.  

Gangs will continue to fill the power vacuum left by government institutions as they gain more territory. They will also expand and strengthen their network with other gangs in the Caribbean and South America.  

People will look for alternatives as the situation worsens and they fall further into despair.  One of the most rational choices will be to migrate to other countries in the region.  This includes the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Jamaica, the Bahamas, Turks and Caicos, and the United States.   

The resulting increase in the trade of guns, drugs, and human trafficking to other gangs in the region will force the international community to intervene - whether Haitians want it or not.   An intervention may take place under the principle of “responsibility to protect” or for the interests of countries in the region.  Unfortunately, it will focus only on reducing the threat Haiti poses to regional stability and ignore the difficult but necessary work of nation-building.  This may be a saving grace because the work of nation-building must be the work of Haitians.

As Haitians try to survive Haiti’s socio-political and economic crises, they are presented with many options by the opposition that are unachievable and often non-options by the regime that become reality.  There is no clear way of determining what the majority might want.  The responders were asked whether they thought the UN should help Haiti.   On an intensity scale of 1 to 7 (1 the lowest and 7 the highest), 58 percent of respondents responded in the affirmative.  If intensity level 5 is added, which is above average, then grows to 73% of respondents.  

This survey provides a window into the challenges as perceived by the population and raises critical questions for policymakers.  While we need to better understand the will of the people, looking at the disastrous local conditions and the population’s daily reality can help one get some insight into the responses captured in Chart 21.  

Given the discussions that are heard on radio talk shows, online, and even in protest slogans, this chart raises two important questions.  If the responses to this survey question are even half right, first, what are the implications for policy analysts and policymakers?  Second, what is the weight of the voices opposing foreign intervention?  

This past week, a coalition of Human rights organizations wrote to President Biden.  They made a strong moral and even historical argument against US military intervention and asked the President to stop his administration’s support for the de facto regime.  The Hill quoted the group’s acknowledgment that the situation on the ground is dire.   They observed that “nearly half the country is facing severe food insecurity and limited access to clean water; cholera, introduced by UN peacekeepers more than a decade ago, has rapidly reemerged; and fuel — critical to basic life, including water purification and electronic communication — is unavailable or prohibitively expensive. Compounding these issues, violence and insecurity have reached exceptional levels, and have particularly affected women, children, and the most marginalized.”  The article highlighted that “ Haitian civil society has flatly rejected foreign military intervention as a solution, despite Henry’s appeal.”  This appeal was the de facto regime letter to the UN secretary General to request “the immediate deployment of a specialized armed force, in sufficient quantity.”

In another article published by CBC titled “Battling Haiti's gangs — the mission no nation seems to want” the journalist concluded, “The Haitian opposition recognizes that it will need foreign help to reverse the country's slide into anarchy.”  The article quoted Ms. “Monique Clesca, a former UN official and now a member of the Montana Group coalition of political parties and civil society organizations that have been negotiating with the Ariel Henry government for a transition to democracy.”  Ms. Clesca acknowledged Haiti has “humongous security issues."  She further added "just as we are in a constitutional crisis, we are in a judiciary crisis, we are in an executive crisis, we are in a police crisis. Yes, Haiti is in massive crisis mode.”  Her proposed solution is in line with the Montana team’s recent request to Secretary Blinken in which they asked the US to provide Haiti with technical assistance and equipment.  It is not clear, however, whether this assistance, if provided, would go to the de facto regime or some other structure.   

Conclusion

It has been six years since Haiti has had elections.  Its citizens have been deprived of the opportunity to select leaders who can be accountable to them.  The current de facto regime which was not elected has shown its incompetence, corruption, lethargy, and complete disregard for the Haitian people.

As a result, gangs have expanded their stranglehold over the population.  Haiti is sliding into anarchy.   The population’s despair is growing as the political class engages in mutually assured destruction.  The de facto regime has requested the deployment of foreign troops to help deal with the gangs.  Since that request, the opposition voices have grown louder against Mr. Henry but also against any international intervention.   In the cacophony of voices and demands, it is right to question whether Haiti’s political elite is truly speaking for the people.  

Given the lack of opportunities for the population to express its aspiration, they have taken to the streets in protests.  This method of last resort allows Haitian citizens to express their displeasure.  However, it has shown its limits in Haiti’s multi-layered crises.   Another option for policymakers to glean public opinion is to use public opinion polls/surveys.  In March 2022, Sociodig, an independent Haitian research company, tackled this challenge by polling over 1000 randomly selected and statistically representative Haitians living in Haiti. 

Sociodig's report concluded that “a majority of the Haitian population favor UN support if not intervention to resolve the ongoing political and security crisis in the country.”

When asked about the “Biggest Problems Facing Haiti,” an overwhelming majority of the survey respondents, 77 percent, believe armed groups (gangs) and kidnappings were the “biggest problems facing Haiti.”  When asked about the actions that the UN could take to support the PNH, 83 percent answered that “Any support should include vetting of PNH candidates to assure they have no connection to gangs.” 80 percent responded that “Support should include UN police working and fighting side by side with PNH against the gangs.  On the question of whether the UN should help the “PNH in fighting gangs. Fully 60 percent of respondents rated their support as the strongest possible #6 or #7 on a scale of one to seven.” 

Sociodig’s survey and report seem to counter the general view of many in Haiti’s political elite.  It raises important questions for Haitians, policymakers, and friends of Haiti who are concerned about the country’s disintegration.  As Haitians in the country and abroad seek a consensus on how best to move forward, research like the one done by Sociodig will be an important tool for political activists and policymakers.  These tools have their use, biases, and limitations.  But until there is a system for Haitians to express themselves, surveys like this one should be encouraged to gauge the public’s opinion on issues of national interest. 

NOTE:  the link to the Sociodig’s report can be found in my personal One Drive folder (https://1drv.ms/u/s!AmxMkoQzlcuyjXtLmB6tb_mmvo9e?e=XWvdcP).  I have no connection to Sociodig.

Diaspora Unity is the only way - Pa gen Wout pa Bwa

I hold the firm and deep belief that molding our broken pieces can create a beautiful mosaic.

As the discussions are evolving on finding a solution to Haiti’s multi-faceted crises, a few voices have risen to question the legitimacy of the process that the “Commission pour la recherche d’une solution haitienne a la crise - CRSC (the Commission to find a Haitian Solution to the Crisis). These voices are also questioning the process that resulted in the diaspora representation in the “Conseil National de Transition – CNT (National Transitional Council).”

It is not a given for everyone to follow all the emails and conversations that are taking place in our very wide and disparate community and hence why I am always cautious to accuse fellow Haitians of bad faith. Nonetheless, it is unfortunate and worth noting because of this lace of information, there are actors who have used this gap to create fake news and defame the good name and work of other groups. Of course, this is often the case as one group tries to promote its own agreement (accord) – as is the case for a number of groups in Haiti and in the diaspora that are putting forth new proposals to resolve the crisis. This piece will outline the history and process that led to the identification of three representatives who will represent the diaspora within the CNT.

Engaged citizens in the CRSC are heroes.

The “Commission pour la recherche d’une solution haitienne a la crise - CRSC” is made up of a heroic group of citizens who, despite the risks to lives and limb, decided to come together to find a Haitian solution to the Haitian Crisis. This effort started while President Moise was still alive and accelerated after he was savagely assassinated.

It is true that despite the Herculean efforts the CRSC and its supporters made to communicate and share with the Haitian public the process and goals of this initiative, there are still many people who do not know about it. It is a difficult problem to overcome and especially so if folks are not interested in the political process. On the other hand, there are those who do know but act in bad faith because they have their own political agendas. I will assume that there are more people who do not know then those who are being deceitful for selfish political reasons. I hope this note will provide the history of the work of the Commission and particularly of the Forum Haitien pour la Paix et le Développement Durable (FOHPDD).

Keeping the Haitian diaspora well-informed remains a major challenge.

The Commission was created https://lenouvelliste.com/article/228966/creation-dune-nouvelle-commission-pour-la-recherche-dune-solution-haitienne-a-la-crise?fbclid=IwAR3GMA215Evdj324fUaqNwFhZtVowUDJ9iT258rJt8lKyxtt7DHTmnSgZRA

• May 17, 2021 : The commission pour la Recherche d’une Solution à la Crise (CRSC) was officially launched. The Forum Haitien pour la Paix et le Développement Durable (FOHPDD) was a founding member to represent the diaspora.
• July 17,2021 : CRSC held the first major inter-Haitian Conference. FOHPDD was there to represent the diaspora.
• July 28,2021 : CRSC held the second session of the inter-Haitian Conference. FOHPDD was there to represent the diaspora.
• August 30, 2021: The “Montana accord” was signed. FOHPDD was there and signed as a member of the Commission. https://www.facebook.com/110708491198576/photos/a.112103764392382/161928772743214/

As part of the “Montana accord,” each sector had to delegate three representatives. This task fell to FOHPDD as the group that had been part of this effort to ensure the diaspora was present.

• September 19, 2021: FOHPDD held a community meeting to inform the general public of the need to identify three diaspora delegates.
• October 1, 2021: FOHPDD created a seven-member Commission de Designation (4 women and 3 men) made up of leaders from France, US and Canada.
• October 6, 2021: FOHPDD received an official request from the Biwo Swivi Akò Montana a (BSA). FOHPDD was given two weeks to complete this task but it asked for an extra (two weeks???), which BSA granted
• October 9, 2021: Commission de Designation put a wide call for candidates based on the criteria defined in the agreement -- application and form distributed via social media and various diaspora Google and Yahoo groups (Including HaitianPolitics)
• October 21, 2021: Commission de Designation informed FOHPDD of the successful candidates
• October 21, 2021: FOHPDD officially transmitted the names to the BSA
• November 15, 2021: after a secondary review, the BSA published the partial list of sectoral representatives. https://www.facebook.com/Commission-pour-la-recherche-dune-solution-haitienne-a-la-crise-CRSC-110708491198576/photos/pcb.212243954378362/212243797711711
• November 24, 2021: BSA published FINAL list of sectoral representatives in which it allowed 48 hours for the public to contest any candidate.https://www.facebook.com/Commission-pour-la-recherche-dune-solution-haitienne-a-la-crise-CRSC-110708491198576/photos/pcb.217590300510394/217590163843741/

Pa gen wout pa bwa

I will close with one last word of caution. While many people will sit on the bench and criticize how the game is being played. One fact remains, the game is being played with the players who are on the field. In sum, whether the diaspora gets involved or not, the political process that is underway will continue in its course. Some folks are proposing an electoral process to select diaspora representatives. This idea was floated and discussed in the 90s with the concept of the 10th department. It resurfaced after the 2010 earthquake and is raised whenever one group from the diaspora attempts to unite the diverse and often seemingly disparate organizations. Yet, there is more that unites that divides us.

The selection of diaspora representatives hasn't happened for many reasons but I will note just one. In a normative sense, it is extremely difficult for civil society to undertake its own electoral process because the question of legitimacy and partisanship will arise as it is happening with the CRSC and with FOHPDD. There are always groups that question the legitimacy of other actors or groups that try to initiate such the process of coalition building. At the roots of this legitimacy question is the division and mistrust that exists in our community. Additionally, folks prefer to sit on the sideline to comment rather than participating in what will inevitably be a difficult but imperative conversation -- pa gen wout pa bwa. I believe that we must find a way to overcome the instincts of mistrust. The Haitian diaspora could be an influential actor if it can find its collective voice. But to achieve this goal will require honest conversations among the different “Haitis.” I believe that this is the only path if we are to ever grow as a diaspora community and fully participate in the affairs of Haiti.

I hold the firm and deep belief that molding our broken pieces can create a beautiful mosaic.

Johnny Celestin
FOHPDD, board member