The Haitians Diaspora's Deal with the Devil

Over the past few months, there has been a red-hot debate not only about the end of de facto President Moise’s term but his newfound interest in changing the constitution and holding elections. What is being concocted is what I would call a Structural Electoral Theft which has seven components.

1. Control of all levels of government (from the presidency, ministries, mayors, to the ASEK, KASEK)
2. Control of the Provisional Electoral Council (an illegal council who is charged to run an unconstitutional referendum for which they have no mandate)
3. Control of the electoral structure (the Departmental Electoral Office [BED] and Communal Electoral Office [BEC])
4. Control of the vote through ONI (voters with multiple Dermalog cards and opacity of the database)
5. Control of the majority of Political parties (over 250 to date and most of which are fake)
6. Control of major swath of the electorate (strategic partnership with gang leaders to limit voting access)
7. Control of the Police (politicization of the police that leads to the force's inability to guarantee the security of voters)

An objective analysis will conclude that Haiti has fallen into an autocracy, which the Oxford English dictionary explains as a system of government by one person with absolute power.  If it is said that even a broken clock can be right twice a day, then Senator Joe Lambert, president of the senate, got it right this time.  The senator made  clear in a recent interview that de facto President Moise is moving toward a dictatorship.  And as president of the senate, he is not just against the so-called reform but has also asked the population to abstain from voting in this charade.

De facto President hit got it right when he boasted at a community meeting that « they will never be able to take the power away from us. »   One does not need to be a super strategist to understand that truth of this statement.  Indeed, the president has achieved total control over all institutions, and in this truthful moment, he was not being boastful or arrogant but instead h inadvertently provided a small window into his intention.  The only missing piece to solidify his party's Structural Electoral Theft was legitimacy.  The response was to launch a propaganda machine to gain the Haitian diaspora's support.  This diabolical strategy has offered a Faustian bargain to the diaspora and serve as the final nail in the coffin of Haiti's democratic experiment.

 
The Moise regime, which is renown for its incompetency, has been able to organize a convincing propaganda campaign that targets the Haitian diaspora community, especially those in the United States.  It (the regime) has spared no expenses to present slick presentations, hold full press courts, and even laid out the red carpet, including paying all expenses for Haitian-Americans to attend a Constitutional Congress in Haiti to get their input on a constitution that was already written. During that debate which was supposed to be on the constitution, it was sad to hear these diaspora representatives making the case for diaspora investments,  and asking for roads, and programs to support the women merchants known as Madan Sara.

In its pitch, the regime an its agents have been making three key arguments.  They claim that: 

• the « proposed constitutional amendments would allow members of the country's diaspora to run for the presidency and other high-ranking offices.[1] » 

• in a democratic system, an « elected leaders have to hand power to another elected leader, and we're going to do everything that we can to organize the election, and give that power to the people with the ballot.[2] » 

• the president « needs to accumulate enough power to take on an oligarchy he says has paralyzed Haiti to profit off a government too weak to regulate or tax their businesses.[3] »

After four years in office, and even at the end of his term, de facto President Moise never showed any interest in advancing voting rights for the diaspora. Indeed, the amendments to the 1987 constitution had already struck down article 13, which stated that « Haitian nationality is lost through naturalization acquired abroad » and article 15 « Dual Haitian and foreign nationality is not allowed under any circumstances. » 

As of 2011 article 11 provides citizenship for « Any person born of a Haitian father or Haitian mother who are themselves native-born Haitians and have never renounced their nationality possesses Haitian nationality at the time of birth. »

To confirm this fact, in a recent Haitian Times interview, « Herwil Gaspard, consul general at the Haitian consulate in Orlando, Florida. Citing Haiti’s 1987 constitution, he said that any person born to at least one Haitian parent may be eligible to vote.[4] » 

 

The article goes on to note that « On June 27 and beyond, people can vote at any consulate, embassy or diplomatic mission. While officials are also looking at setting up satellite voting locations or vote-by-mail options, those details have not been finalized, consular officials in New York and Florida said. »

« The Moise regime is asking the diaspora to help it violate the constitution »

In sum, the Moise regime is asking the diaspora to help it violate the constitution so it – the diaspora – can obtain rights it already has.  It is truly the height of cynicism to play on the diaspora's interest in being active members of the Haitian family and attempt to trick them onto signing on a project that spits on the constitution and the rule of law.  The regime also understands the blind ambition of many influential members of the diaspora to run for office.  To that end, it has sold them on the idea they too can run for president. Yet, despite the promises, the diaspora would not be able to use those rights since the requirements that limited their access in the past are still in the proposed new constitution.  For example, Article 137.- To be elected President of the Republic of Haiti, the following conditions must be met:

• enjoy Haitian nationality and not hold any other nationality at the time of registration for the application;
• be at least thirty-five (35) years of age at the time of registration;
• enjoy his or her civil and political rights and have never been sentenced to an afflictive or infamous prison sentence;
• be in good standing with the tax authorities, honor his tax obligations in time;
• own at least one building or practice a profession or trade in the riding;
• be in good standing with the tax authorities, honor his tax obligations in time;
• have his habitual residence in Haiti.

Unfortunately, many Haitians in the diaspora believe that they will simply be able to fly to Haiti a few months before an election and run for office.  As a result, they now embark in providing support to and cover for a president who openly admit « that he has the confidence of only a small sliver of his people. »  

 

Following the discussions that are taking place online, one can note that many of the commenters support the referendum often without knowing what is in it nor fully understanding the implication that such changes on the country's governance.  They certainly miss the historical context of a country that has been experimenting the democratic system for 35 short years.  Moreover, they seem clueless about the power the referendum will give to the president over the other branches, the immunity it will extend to this current president even after he served his mandate, the new opportunity to serve a consecutive term and the precedent that will be created for future presidents.

In collaboration with the Ministry of Haitian Living Abroad known by its acronym MHAVE, a few organizations participated on behalf of the diaspora in the « Constitutional Congress of the Haitian Diaspora held over a 3-day period (January 14 -16, 2021). » As of this writing, no one knows the process that led to these organizations' participation in the congress, what contribution they made and what if any changes were made as a result of their participation.  Certainly, we have not seen any report published neither by the de facto regime nor the organizations that participated in the Constitutional Congress.  

De facto President Moise admits that « he has the confidence of only a small sliver of his people. »

However, we know two basic facts.  One, de facto President Moise is not only illegitimate, he is unpopular, a fact he openly admitted to a NYTimes reporter to whom he said that « he has the confidence of only a small sliver of his people.[5] »  Second, just a few days prior, in an interview with CNN, Mathias Pierre, the minister in charge of elections, admitted that the regime would be « content with around 1 million votes cast. » 

« The regime would be content with around 1 million votes cast. » Haiti's election minister, Mathias Pierre

Here are a few questions that I hope some of the participants might be able to answer

• can shredding the current constitution lead to the respect of the next one?
• has this administration demonstrated a respect for the rule of law? 
  
• is there a threshold to approve the new constitution (e.g., at least 51% of the ~7 million eligible voters)?
• Have they received any guarantee that all Haitians who are living abroad will have the opportunity to vote on the referendum and the upcoming elections?
• Is there an ongoing mobilization to provide all eligible voters in the diaspora with an electoral card?

One has to question the rationale for supporting such major changes to the foundational document of the country with such limited civil society consultation. 

Ayibopost has also provided an incisive and relevant analysis of this process.

In this video, historian George Michel gave a succinct explanation of why a referendum is anti-constitutional.  He also showed the historical legacy of the ways in which wanna be dictators often use constitutional referendums as the pathway to strengthen their grips on the country.

The basic argument from various analysts from left to right is simple.  The Moise regime is illegitimate and unrepresentative, and its mandate ended last February.  Moreover, the so-called reform is unconstitutional and the push by de facto President Moise to push ahead is a power grab that will yield Haiti's Somalization where gangs control different parts of the country converging with its Nigeriazation where kidnappings are normalized.  

 

As the Haitian proverb says, pito w mize nan wout ou pote pote bon nouvèl which loosely translates to better to take time on your way but bring good news.   As a diaspora community,  we have consistently been on the forefront for the respect of the rule.  We all understand that the basic functioning of society rely on a fair justice system that is anchored by the constitution -- even when we disagree with specific laws.  We should not set aside our values for a fair and just Haiti on the promise of being able to run for office.  

 

We already have dual nationality.  We already have the right to vote as demonstrated by the regime's offer to register Haitians abroad to vote in the referendum.  It is our responsibility to use that right to influence changes in Haiti.  We are and have always been Haiti's children.  The regime's offer to give us back something we've  always had in our heart and currently have in the 1987 amended constitution is not a deal worth making. The price to pay is the soul of the nation. 

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[1] https://www.usnews.com/news/best-states/florida/articles/2021-02-01/haiti-leader-speaks-of-more-power-for-diaspora-amid-strife

[2] https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/23/americas/haiti-elections-minister-intl-latam/index.html

[3] https://www.nytimes.com/2021/03/25/world/americas/haiti-jovenel-moise-constitution.html?smid=tw-share

[4] https://haitiantimes.com/2021/03/26/diaspora-can-now-vote-in-haiti-elections-from-abroad-but-some-hesitate/

[5] [5] https://www.nytimes.com/2021/03/25/world/americas/haiti-jovenel-moise-constitution.html?smid=tw-share

 

A people with a great history but no memory

Haiti is ours, let’s start acting like we know that. When we fail to address our traumatic past, we are relegated to not finding the solutions that are right before our eyes. 

 

As of 7 February, 2021 Haiti has unambiguously left the democratic system of governance – no parliament, no supreme court, and a de facto president who controls all levers of power. We have quietly entered into a soft dictatorship.  So the simple question for Haitians is, what’s next? The simple and direct answer is, we fight on! 

 

It is not surprising that we have arrived exactly where the de facto President Jovenel Moise, intended to take the country.  He signaled early on that he was a leader who had no respect for protocols, institutions, nor the law.  Even before taking office, he memorably stated “the president has spoken. Period!” (Le président a parlé. Point barre!).  He kept this same energy of  authoritarianism throughout his term of office.  While people tend to be attracted to leaders who demonstrate strengths, and many believe that Haitians need a "strong hand," a leader knows that the people also expect, among other things, that s/he is reliable, trustworthy, and capable.

"A leader knows that the people also expect, among other things, that s/he is reliable, trustworthy, and capable."

 Over the past four years, the president has not demonstrated that he possesses any of those leadership characteristics.  On the contrary, during his tenure, he worked to weaken all the institutions, including the ones that are responsible for anti-corruption.   

He has reduced the oversight authority of the anti-corruption unit (known in French as Unité de Lutte contre la Corruption – ULCC).  He attempted to change the constitutional mandate of the High Court of Auditors and Administrative Disputes (known in French as Cour supérieure des comptes et du contentieux administrative – ULCCA).  Sadly, 35 years after the overthrow of the Duvalier regime, this president has taken the same authoritarian path.

With the implicit support of the international community, President Jovenel like President Duvalier before him, has politicized the police and the army, transformed the agents of the Protected Areas Security Brigade (BSAP, from its French acronym) into a repressive paramilitary unit, established his own secret police unit which harkens back to the feared tonton makout, and federated the gangs.   But the answer to today’s coup is the same as it was prior to 1986.  Back then, the Haitian people decided they wanted something different -- freedom and democracy.  Today, Haitians are still the solution and in response to the current crisis, our generation must live up to the legacy of those who fought and died exactly 35 years ago because they believed in the democratic system and its values.  

Living in the shadow of a super power in a uni-polar world

Whether we like it or not, today, as in the past, the international community and particularly the United States will be deeply involved in how this crisis is resolved.  Indeed, the script is eerily similar. In 1984 when the protests against Duvalier began, the US asked the Duvalier regime to respect human rights and loosen some of the restrictive laws it had enacted to resolve the problem. Today, the US is asking the Moise regime to respect human rights, arrest the former government officials and gang leaders who are involved massacres, and limit its use of decrees that restrict the people’s constitutional rights, to resolve the problem.

 
 

Surely, the international community has its share of responsibility for supporting President Moise very undemocratic rule over the past four years. However, if Haiti is to come out of this crisis, Haitians must learn the lessons of the past.  The most important of which is that it is not up to the international community to build Haiti – it never was and never will be.  

Indeed, even with the best of intentions, the international community and the US in particular, do not do nation-building.  As always, the result of this incapacity is the implementation of policy remedies that can only be palliative.  

"It is not up to the international community to build Haiti – it never was and never will be."

Haitians have to look at this as analogous to a sick body.  The medicine that is provided is to help the body's immune system so the antibodies can fight the disease.  The medicine (policy remedies) is never curative.  If Haitians are to be the solution then the question is how do we (all the little antibodies) come together and massively attack the cancer that is corruption and impunity.  

 

First, we must do the work of organizing ourselves.   This does not mean gaining the agreement of millions of people, but it does mean creating a momentum that brings together a sufficient number of engaged and respected people to lead the way.  For far too long, far too many of us have been sitting in the bleachers and keeping scores.  For some folks, it is indifference. For others, it is fear.  Regardless of the motivation, this regime will only get more irrational and bloodthirsty as we sit idly by waiting for the grinding machine of insecurity to arrive at our doorstep.  

"This regime will only get more irrational and bloodthirsty as we sit idly by waiting for the grinding machine of insecurity to arrive at our doorstep"

Second --and this can be done in parallel -- we must fight for the rule of law.  This starts by fighting for the respect of the constitution even with its imperfection.  For too many –including the president who is self-interested – the time is ripe to engage in a dramatic constitutional reform, especially while there is no parliament.  One can see the attractiveness of engaging in these changes now because if the parliamentarians were around, they would unlikely agree to changes that reduce their power.  However, given Haiti’s sociopolitical history, taking a shortcut on such an important issue will inevitably backfire as it will create a precedent for the next leader. 

 
 

It’s also worth noting that this would mean engaging in a constitutional reform that is based on essentially shredding the constitution of a country that is still in the early learning stages of the democratic experiment.  In this context, the very idea of violating the constitution to save it is paradoxical at best and self-defeating at worst.  

This brings us back to what we have always known, which is that the strong man approach, combined with the belief that "se ak baton pou trete ayisyen" (Haitians can only be ruled by the rod) is a recipe that leads us back to the autocratic practices we left behind 35 years ago.  

"The very idea of violating the constitution to save it is paradoxical at best and self-defeating at worst"

 The international community and many well-meaning citizens appear willing to take the risk of engaging in a constitutional reform with the current regime.  However, events of the past few years but more pointedly in the past few days have clarified the regime's intentions.  The de facto president illegally had a supreme court judge arrested even though like him, these judges are immune from prosecution while in office.  It is yet another illustration of the president applying different rules for the other co-equal branches of government -- similar to what he did with the parliamentarians.  It is one rule for the president and another for all others because he has the guns.  Sadly, this is the attitude of might make right.

 

The president has since removed three members of the supreme court, in yet another unconstitutional decision, which clearly shows that the president has no interest in the rule of law.  It is also clear that President Jovenel is not, for example, a Kagame and Haiti is certainly not Rwanda.  Haiti is also not Russia and president Moise is no Putin.

 

Over the course of those last four years, the president has not worked to unite the nation toward any kind of transformation -- social, economic or political.  Worst, he has not demonstrated that he was working for the greater good nor even attempted to build a national consensus

 

Breaking with our past and overcoming our traumas

Our nation was created out of the traumas of slavery and more recently, after 30 years of a ruthless dictatorship, we have dealt with the traumas of the earthquake, cholera and now the proliferation of gangs and kidnappings.  The country’s political convulsions may be rooted in the phenomenon called “repetition compulsion."   It is explained as the act of repeating a “traumatic event or its circumstances over and over again.”  To quote  Christine Langley-Obaugh: “We repeat what we do not repair.”  She continued to say that “when we don't stand up, we will find that the situation will keep repeating throughout our lives,” and in our nation’s case, through generations.  

 

In 1986, we made the choice of democracy as our system of governance and the time to stand up and reaffirm that choice is now.  The fight for democracy means fighting for the scrupulous respect for the rule of law, even if we have to accept laws with which we disagree -- "The law is hard, but it is the law (Sed lex dura lex).  The fight for the rule of law is the fight for a just society, and an opportunity to overcome our collective traumas and begin the healing our country desperately needs.

      
 "The fight for the rule of law is the fight for a just society"

We also need to remember that the fight for democracy is long and not limited to one administration.  Whether we like or not, we must recognize that the international community will play a role but that their interventions can only palliate the crisis.  Finally, in the geopolitical context, we have to understand that Haiti is a small island living in the shadow of a super power in a unipolar world.

 

We, Haitians, must accept that nation building is our own cross to bear.  Haiti is ours, let’s start acting like we know that.

One option out of Haiti's current political crisis (from 2018)

 On the eve of February 7th, when things in Haiti are about to reach their paroxysm, I cannot believe that I wrote this piece two years. 

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Haiti is currently facing a profound crisis, marked by widespread distrust in its leadership. President Moise's credibility has significantly diminished, and the opposition parties are not viewed as reliable alternatives. Similarly, institutions like the church and various political factions have failed to gain the public's trust. A common sentiment among Haitians is that another foreign occupation would be detrimental to the nation's future.

 

At this critical point, Haiti is in dire need of leaders who prioritize the nation's needs and possess the necessary skills and dedication to guide the country forward. Essentially, what Haiti requires most is a fundamental reset, a fresh start to rebuild. 

 

To solve this crisis, both the opposition and the president need to make sacrifices. Haiti cannot win unless both sides lose.

 

Although I disagree with President Moïse, I believe he should stay in office, but his power must be reduced. Otherwise, this uprising will have been in vain. The opposition also has a role to play, but it should not gain power. Otherwise, it will become acceptable to overthrow presidents in order to ascend to the presidency without a mandate from the people.

 

Haitians, as people of African ancestry, have a number of cultural norms and values, including respect for elders. This could be leveraged to create a negotiated outcome to the current crisis. One option is to establish a council of elders, or "conseil des sages," to help lead the country alongside the president.

 

The council members would be a cadre of professionals who would publicly agree to not seek any office (elected or nominated) for a minimum of 10 years. The president would stay in office while the board defines key policies. 

 

This council would function similarly to how a board supports a CEO, offering guidance and oversight. They would all report periodically to the public on all major decisions. Members of this council would need to fulfill three specific criteria:

1. Integrity and Character: Candidates must be known for their integrity, with emphasis on their character and expertise rather than their age. They should have a strong reputation in the community for fairness, and trustworthiness.
2. Ability to Serve: Candidates must demonstrate that they have the intellectual capacity and physical energy to serve effectively in the role.
3. Proven Public Service: Candidates must have a demonstrated history of effective public service, with evidence of making positive contributions to their community.

 

These selection criteria do not diminish the participation of younger people, but rather recognizes people with a proven track record. Moreover, it requires candidates to be willing to sacrifice their future eligibility to hold other elected office. This level of sacrifice may be easier for people who are more interested in their legacies than in future career opportunities. However, it does not prevent anyone from serving their country.

 

Despite what the opposition might claim, the last few days could never have happened were it not for the energy of young people who have essentially had enough of the status quo.

 

To account for and channel that energy, the council's mandate would last for the remainder of the President's mandate (3 years). It (the mandate) would include the creation of a special court made up of Haitian judges supported by national and international experts to clean up the judicial system. With economic experts within Haiti and from the diaspora, the council would immediately task a group to develop a new socio-economic plan that respond to current needs but more importantly a longer-term social contract.

 

The council could focus on three main objectives as a unified strategy: convening a national conference to facilitate comprehensive dialogue across all sectors of society, undertaking a thorough revision of the constitution to address current gaps and future needs, and organizing new elections for both the presidency and parliament to re-establish legitimacy and trust in the governance system.

 

For Haiti's progress, we should consider a range of solutions, but our final choice must be grounded in several critical principles:

• Trustworthy Leadership: The focus should be on ensuring seamless transitions of presidential power, with an emphasis on integrity and accountability.
• Legitimate Opposition: The opposition needs to function as a robust oversight body for the current government, gaining authority through transparent and fair elections.
• Independent Governance: Our aim should be to establish a governance framework that strongly reduces the risk of future foreign intervention.

 

Above all, it's imperative that whatever path is chosen, it must genuinely reflect the desires and aspirations of the Haitian populace.

Johnny Celestin

 

Published in Nov. 2018 (republishing in 2021)

The day after...

As with many of you, I am struggling to wrap my mind around the proverbial day after the elections. President Trump will drag this country to the mud, destroy all norms and minimize almost all of our key institutions. He will leave no room for civility and negotiation. Nonetheless, the work has to start shifting from election to reflection.

Part of me want my pound of flesh but the reality is that a Biden administration will have to contend with a divided country, a divided congress and a partisan court. The truth is out and the genie cannot be put back in the bottle. That said, we will need to coexist with those folks and if history is any guide, our party will turn the other cheek, which will embolden -- some of them, many of them, a lot of them? The answer will be an important marker for how we go forward.

On one hand, there will be a need to moderate the demands of folks like me who want to see the pendulum swing to the left. I am already upset at the compromise that I know the Biden admin will have to make.

On the other hand, we need to bring moderates (I cannot believe I even typed those words 😟) into the fold if we want to win the senate, keep the house and change the courts.

In the meantime, we need to figure out why the % of black men who voted for Trump went from 13% to 18%. and black women doubled from 4% to 8%. I am angry and disappointed but I'd like to understand.

There are issues with other community as well. The percentage of Latinx, Asians and white LGBTQs who voted for Trump increased. Progressives from those communities will have to have their own internal conversations. I know that this kind of cerebral approach is, in part, a weakness for us progressives but the alternative, which is to swim in the pond of anger is not an option.

One thing is clear, those angry red faces carrying tiki torches screaming that they will not be replaced are the same ones who are now banging against the glass at a vote-counting site in Detroit screaming for officials to “Stop the count.”

History has taught us that all empires fall. This may be the case for the American one as well but I hope not, despite America's flaws. There are some fundamental problems with American society, at the center of which are the original sins of slavery and oppression that continue still to this day. We must confront those demons and that work has to start now.

The false narrative of black men lack of support for Sen. Harris

In light of the ridiculous clown show that is Kanye West, Ice Cube, 50 Cent, I have been reading this narrative, which purports that black men did not support Hillary Clinton in 2016. The same narrative is evolving now in the context of support for the Biden-Harris ticket. Newsweek went as far as to claim that "Only 36 percent of Black men said that Biden's selection of a Black woman was a good idea."

And yet, I have seen scant reporting on the letter of support signed by 100 black male celebrities in support of Senator Harris during VP Biden's selection process. (https://afro.com/updated-more-than-100-black-male-leaders-sign-statement-of-solidarity-requiring-a-black-woman-vice-president/).

Forgive my language but as a New Yorker, I call BS to the argument and broad labeling that we, black men, are misogynists who do not support the Biden/Harris ticket because of our dear sister Sen. Harris.

A look back at the Pew Research Center's "examination of the 2016 electorate, based on validated voters" show in fact that the narrative that was created about black men lack of support for Hillary Clinton was simply a bold faced lie. It was a lie that served to separate black men from black women and to divide our community. It was one that held us accountable for America's self-inflected wounds while at the same time defining us as less American and less supportive of our own community.

Indeed, the Pew report shows that black men broke 81% for Clinton to 14% for Trump. While I have not seen any new reports on the current breakdown of potential voters this cycle, I will safely venture to say that almost four years into the Trump nightmare, a larger % of black men will break for Biden-Harris over Trump-Pence.

https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2018/08/09/an-examination-of-the-2016-electorate-based-on-validated-voters/

In contrast, white women voted 47% for Trump to 45% for Clinton, and white male voters broke respectively 62% for Trump vs 32% for Clinton.

Let me highlight one part. With a woman headlining a history-making ticket, more than 47% of women (many white christian women) supported a man who bragged about moving on a married woman "like a b!tch" and boasted that when you're a star you can "grab 'em by the pu$$y." Moreover, 62% of men (white christian men) was Ok with that attitude and behavior.

As Americans, black people love this country despite its flaws and inasmuch as we want to see the Union be perfected, the Trump fiasco is NOT our cross to bear. The destruction of American democracy does NOT rest on our shoulders.

Black people have and will continue to love this country and stay on the right side of the history. However, white Americans need to step up and right their wrongs on the mistake that is Trump.

We know that Trump's accusations and reflections on others are generally a reflection of what he is actually doing. Therefore, knowing this fact, white Americans have the responsibility and the capacity to make sure that Trump does not turn these United States into a $h!th0le country.

So next time a magazine or Russian troll try to push the narrative of the mysoginist black man, remember that they are fanning the flames of division with the hope that we don't show up at the polls.

To that I say: let's respond by voting. Vote early, make a plan to vote and bring someone else to vote.

Let's help elect VP Biden and Senator Harris to bring dignity and decency back to the people's house.

Is November 3rd 2020 about the 1994 Crime Bill?

The 1994 crime bill has been one of the most vexing point in this election cycle and lynchpin argument of the Trump supporters as well as Russian trolls.  They understand that there are people who genuinely have concerns about the bill's impact on our community.  As is often the case, the Trump supporters are not only stretching the truth, they falsely claim that Senator Biden called blacks “super-predators.”  History is recorded and has proven both of these claims to be unequivocally false.  

Let’s go back in time!  Measure Number H.R. 3335 (Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994) better known as the "Crime bill" was approved in the senate by an overwhelming number of  senators: 95 YEAs, 4 NAYs and 1 Not Voting.  It passed the House 235 to 195.  

For those who may be too young to remember, the period between 1984 and 1990 was one when the country and more specifically black communities experienced a terrible surge in the use of “crack cocaine.”  People were demanding that something be done about the scourge of drug use, the crimes that it bought and the destruction of families and communities that resulted.  Indeed, in a research conducted by Rashawn Ray and William A. Galston, two scholars at the Brooking institute, they found that “most Black mayors, who were grappling with a record wave of violent crime, did so as well. As he joined a delegation of mayors lobbying Congress to back the bill, Baltimore Mayor Kurt L. Schmoke said, “We’re trying very hard to explain to Congress that this is a matter that needs bipartisan support.”

One can rightly argue that the federal government's response to the crack epidemic is entirely different from the more compassionate response we are seeing to the opiod one.  Those criticisms and comparisons are absolutely correct.  And yet, it is important that we not turn away from the mirror and the actual record.  

The reflection from the mirror should be clear and not discharge community leaders, faith leaders, Mayors, Representatives, and Senators including Senator Biden who wrote the bill and President Clinton who signed it into law. But it is important to show the full the record and an unsmudged image that reflects the truth if we are to learn from our mistakes.  

As Rep. James Clyburn said in a recent interview when reflecting on that period of time “Crack cocaine was a scourge in the Black community,” he recalled. “They wanted it out of those communities, and they had gotten very tough on drugs. And that’s why yours truly, and other members of the Congressional Black Caucus, voted for that 1994 crime bill.” 

(https://www.brookings.edu/blog/fixgov/2020/08/28/did-the-1994-crime-bill-cause-mass-incarceration/)

More than 25 years later, VP Biden and others who supported the bill have admitted to its shortcomings and its terrible impact on black and brown communities.  More importantly, candidate Biden has presented a specific plan to reverse the detrimental outcomes of the 1994 bill.  He has outlined several core principles in his platform for judicial reform:

• We can and must reduce the number of people incarcerated in this country while also reducing crime.
• Our criminal justice system cannot be just unless we root out the racial, gender, and income-based disparities in the system.
• Our criminal justice system must be focused on redemption and rehabilitation.
• No one should be profiteering off of our criminal justice system.

More details can be found on the Biden’s campaign website: https://joebiden.com/justice/#

The black community has legitimate reasons to be wary of political promises but we must also not fall for false prophets who claim to care for the black community as they falsely disparage VP Biden to benefit President Trump.  

No one alive today, whether or not they follow politics, can say that they don’t understand President Trump's dog whistle to white supremacists.  Certainly, we all see the impact of the President decisions on Covid-19.  His choices have had outsized impacts on black and brown communities economically and more importantly, in our overrepresentation in the number of Covid-related deaths.  

According to the Findings from APM Research lab – data through September 15 show “Actual death rates from COVID-19 data (aggregated from all U.S. states and the District of Columbia) have reached new highs for all race groups:

• 1 in 1,020 Black Americans has died (or 97.9 deaths per 100,000) 

compared to

• 1 in 2,150 White Americans has died (or 46.6 deaths per 100,000)

https://www.apmresearchlab.org/covid/deaths-by-race

This election is not about 1994. It is about electing someone who recognizes the existential threat that Covid-19 represents for our community today.  It is about having a President who understands that Covid-19 will not just disappear as President Trump has proclaimed.  It is about having a President who will accept the science and listen to the experts.

The Trump supporters as well as the Russian trolls would like to make November 3rd about what happened in 1994 but the challenges we face today are about 2020.  The choices ahead are not about making America great again like the past but instead are about Building a better America for the Future. 

Nov. 3rd is about whether we live or die.  So vote like your life depended on it because it does. 

Human Decency is on the ballot in November

Haitian-Americans in Florida

During the 2016 presidential campaign, both major US presidential candidates, Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump, recognized not only the importance of Florida as a must-win state, but also the growing influence of the Haitian-American community as an electoral group. Trump won Florida by 112,911 votes or 1.19 per cent.  Senator Rick Scott won with 10,033 votes (0.2 per cent) in 2018.  Governor DeSantis won with 32,463 votes (0.4 per cent).  In contrast, the Haitian electorate represents over 300,000 voters in Florida. If only half of those voters were registered Democrats and voted, they would have changed the outcome of all three elections. 

Florida voted for Trump as it has voted for every winner of the Presidential election since 2000.  Then-candidate Trump recognized the importance of the state and the weight of the Haitian-American electorate, at least enough to accept an invitation of Mr. Bernard Sansaricq to speak to the Haitian community of Florida in September 2016.  Mr. Sansaricq, a former senator of the senate of Haiti had invited Donald Trump to meet with Haitian-Americans to share how his future administration would tackle the Haitian-community priority issues such as economic opportunities, healthcare, education, immigration and US foreign policy toward Haiti.

Candidate Trump promised to be our greatest champion

During that ill-fated 2016 visit, Mr. Trump praised the Haitian community, which he noted was filled with people who were “dedicated to family, perseverance, entrepreneurship.”  He said that the Haitian-American community “deserves America’s gratitude and respect” and that he greatly respected our community, a statement that garnered great applause. 

 

Trump further said that he followed what was unfolding in Haiti and shared in our pain.  He said that all the things that make America "good and strong” could be found in Little Haiti and this was to be a “new chapter built on mutual respect and friendship and love.” He doubled-down to say that he was running to represent Haitian-Americans and would be our community’s “greatest champion.” 

Actions speak louder than words

Fast forward to less than two years later, President Trump stated that Haitian immigrants to the U.S. “all have AIDS” and referred to Mexican immigrants as “rapists.” He also stated that Nigerian immigrants should “go back to their huts” and compared immigrants in general to snakes.  

 

Although he has denied making those comments, his actions have spoken louder than any words could ever had. Indeed, in late 2017, he cancelled TPS designation for Haiti, one of his duly designated “shithole” countries as well as five others including: El Salvador, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua and Sudan. 

We should not have any doubts about President Trump’s views on immigrants, blacks and for the Haitian-American community in particular.  Despite President Trump’s many promises to be our champion, under his leadership, our community has been disproportionately impacted by Covid-19 and is experiencing higher economic hardship, and increasing gentrification due both to economics and climate change.

Across the country, there is mounting fear that families will be torn apart as a result of the cancellation of TPS designation for Haitians.  On the foreign policy front, his administration  supports a Haitian President who is decried by its people for deteriorating into authoritarian rule.

What to expect from a 2nd term

On bread and butter issues, as well as foreign policies, as Haitian-Americans, we recognize the sharp differences between the Democrats and Republicans.   Whether the issues are the economy, a living wage, healthcare, how to tackle the Covid-19 pandemic, immigration and particularly TPS, education and the US foreign policy toward Haiti, one party has been inclusive and responsive while the other plays on fear as this President does.  On the foreign policy front, every single overthrow of the democratic order (1988, 1991, and 2004) in the past 30 plus years has happened under Republican administrations.

 

As it has done over the past three plus years, a Trump administration will continue to promote white nationalism and supremacy, and fear as the centerpieces of its reelection campaign strategy. This is how President Trump hopes to get reelected and how he will govern – it will not be more of the same.  It will be worse!  He will foment racial division and wink at discrimination against minority communities.  Additionally, he will consolidate policies that will govern our lives for the next 40 years, especially if he gets to nominate two more Supreme Court justices.  

 

A reelection of President Trump will tear apart the fabric of what makes us all Americans. 

Biden-Harris will fight for us

Although we know that it will take time to undo the harm caused by the current administration, we can start to dig ourselves out of the hole by electing VP Joe Biden and Senator Kamala Harris.

As the pandemic continues to take its toll on families and jobs, it has laid bare the country’s deep and structural inequalities.  If elected, President Biden will immediately work on a recovery package that provides funds to states and much needed support to working families.  He will invest in small businesses, which are the backbone of our economy and support raising the federal minimum wage to $15 so working families can live dignified lives. 

 

President Biden will reinforce the Affordable Care Act and  introduce a new Medicare-like public option.  This will ensure that no family has to turn to bankruptcy because of medical bills.  He will rescind President Trump’s executive orders, which has affected thousands of Haitians and other immigrants and scrap the wealth test the Trump administration has proposed for prospective immigrants.  A Biden administration will not separate families and put children in cages. He will forgive student debt for low-income and middle-class people who have attended public colleges and universities.  He has made racial inclusivity an important pillar of his campaign and has demonstrated his commitment to racial equality by choosing Senator Kamala Harris as his running mate and nominating a number of African-Americans and Haitian-Americans to key posts in his campaign.

 

Above all, a Biden-Harris administration will bring honesty back to the White House and offer a vision to America that is aligned with our core values.  As President Abraham Lincoln did, the Biden-Harris team will work to restore “our bonds of affection” and help us reconnect with the “better angels of our nature.”

We will stand for decency

We all know the role that the state of Florida will play again in the November election and must be under no illusion about Trump’s backing from supporters, including some Haitian-Americans, who do not have our interests at heart.  Indeed, despite the Trump administration’s blatant racism and xenophobia, the Miami Herald recently published an article in which it reported on “an organized caravan of cars was blasting horns, waving flags and shouting through megaphones letting the world know about their support for President Donald Trump.” 

 

In 2016, the Haitian community got played by a charlatan who promised to be our champion but became our community’s worst nightmare.  This time, we must show that we learned from that mistake.  Indeed, even Mr. Sansaricq, a staunch Republican and Trump supporter, has publicly distanced himself from the President. 

 

Our community will not be played the fool again and we will not vote against our own interests. While there are many important issues at stake in this election cycle, the most important ones are human decency and civility.  The question is whether we will vote for division or unity, will we stand for hate or love, will we go in the voting booth and select white nationalism and separatism over unity.  We must ask ourselves whether we will raise our collective voice and use our votes to, once again, stand on the right side of history as we have done may times throughout America’s history.

Our modern-day "Vertières"

As Haitians, we launched the only successful slave-led revolution, which resulted in the first free black Republic.  This desire for freedom was also present when a group of infantry volunteers from Saint Domingue called “Chasseurs Volontaires” fought valiantly alongside American troops in the 1779 Battle of Savannah against the British.  A little over two decades later, some of those Haitians soldiers who fought in Savannah went on to fight for freedom and human dignity, and against slavery in Haiti.  That war was so costly for the French that it forced Napoleon to sell its Louisiana and the Midwest territories, which doubled the size of the United States.

 

Our community can once again stand against tyranny and fight for freedom and human dignity.  Though sadly this time, our stand will be against a President whom we mistakenly helped to elect to office.  Haitian-Americans must stand shoulder to shoulder with our sisters and brothers from the Caribbean and Central-America to say no to tyranny.  Together, we have the numbers to make the difference!

 

As the Haitian motto appropriately reminds us: Inite se fòs / L'Union fait la force ("Unity Makes Strength"). Si se puede!